Lapu-Lapu is considered one of the greatest figures of ancient Philippine history. Although the first thing that usually comes to mind when the name of Lapu-Lapu is mentioned is the fact that his battle with Magellan led to Magellan's death, Lapu-Lapu was not honored because of that. Rather, he is honored because he was among the first to reject submission to a foreign power even though Raja Humabon, ruler of the neighboring island of Cebu, and other chiefs recognized the king of Spain as their ruler and agreed to pay tribute.
Chief Lapu-Lapu's (1491-1542) other name is Kolipulako. The hero of Mactan and conqueror of Magellan, is described as stern, proud, intelligent, unyielding. He waged continuous war against the powerful ruler of Cebu, then a very much greater kingdom than his little island of Maktang. Of him, President Gullas of the University of the Visayas writes:
Lapu-Lapu is a good example of determination and willingness to work well. He learned how to ride on a horseback and on carabao proficiently at the age of six years; knew how to read and write at seven; boxed well at nine; became a champion swimmer, boxer and wrestler at eighteen; beat the Bornean marauders and pirates twice at twenty'. In the lives of men who have almost become legendary one finds it diffucult to separate fact from fiction. This must be true in the case of the material quoted above.
History has it that Mactan Island although small was a thriving community when the great Magellan was in Cebu. The brave Spanish navigator and soldier, upon learning that some inhabitants on this tiny island across Cebu refused to recognize the King of Spain, burned one of the villages. Lapu-Lapu was one of he native leaders who refused to acknowledge the sovereignty of Spain over the Islands.
When Magellan, with three boatloads of Spaniards and twenty boatloads of Cebuanos, went to Mactan to help a friendly chief, Lapu-Lapu and his men armed with native fighting elements, wooden shields, bows and arrows, lances, met them. The invading Spaniards and Cebuanos were driven back to their boats, but their brace leader, Magellan, met death in the hands of Lapu-Lapu. On what is believed to be the exact spot where Magellan fell and died, now stands an imposing monument in honor of the gallant explorer.
In the well-kept plaza of Opon, one of the two towns on Mactan Island, stands today an inspiring monument in honor of Lapu-Lapu, considered the first Filipino to have repelled European aggression.
The battle between Mactan Island Chieftain Lapu-Lapu and the Foreign aggressor Ferdinand Magellan occurred in April 27, 1521. It depicts the hero holding a bolo in one hand and a pestle on the other. Said weapons were believed to have been used during his combat with Magellan. This monument stands as a reminder of Filipino bravery.
Sitbatan Kali-Silat taught by Guro Rohnee Tiong Gumpal Affiliated with FFAI Sec Reg #A199708484
Sunday, April 25, 2010
ORIGIN OF THE KERIS
ORIGIN OF THE KERIS
IV- BIRTH OF THE MODERN KERIS
from http://old.blades.free.fr/keris/introduction/origin/history4.htm
The Keris as we know it today is the result of a long evolution. It has probably slowly evolved from a short blade leaf shaped dagger, to a proto Buda Keris (10th century) with some dapur characteristics, but still used as a stabbing dagger. The modern Keris is a unique thrusting dagger. It has reached its current shape during the Majapahit Realm (14th century) and its height during the Mataram Kingdom (17-18th century).
In other parts of the archipelago it has evolved in other thrusting daggers (the Badik in Sulawesi, the Rencong in Aceh, the Sewar in Minangkabau or the Kujang in West Java), they probably all have common origins.
One of the specificity of the Keris is its connection with the serpent deity Naga. A Chinese monk, I- Ching, who lived in Java during the late 7th century noticed the local Buddhism possessed a unique characteristic: praying Naga deities. According to the tradition, the straight Keris represents a still serpent, whereas the wavy represent a moving serpent. The Naga is often represented on Keris blades.
Bima
Candi Sukuh,the 14th century temple, has a bas-relief representing a blacksmith shop with the god Bima forging a straight Keris. The tools to make the blade are below the Keris and above there is a display of blades of different shape:
symmetrical leaf shape with pronounced tips at the base
asymmetrical similar to the West Java Kujang or the Kudi.
In the same Candi Sukuh, there is also a Lingga (a phallus) with a straight Keris blade. >>>>>>
Keris on the Sukuh Lingga
Most of the information we have about the East Java kingdoms, comes from two books the Nagarakertagama (1365) and the Pararaton (early XVIth century). The first one does not mention the Keris, whereas the second tells us the story of Ken Angrok who ordered a magical Keris to the famous empu Gandrin.
The earliest description of we believe to be a pamor blade is made by Ma Huan in "The overall survey of the ocean's shores". Ma Huan was a translator who accompanied the Chinese Admiral Zheng He. During Zheng He third expedition they visited the Majapahit kingdom in 1416 and provided the following account: "... men in Java have a pa-lak stuck in their girdle. Everybody is carrying such a weapon, from the child of three years up to the oldest man. These daggers have very thin stripes and whitish flowers and made of the very best iron alloy; the handle is of gold, rhinoceros or ivory, cut into the shape of devil faces and finished carefully". The pa-lak name applied probably both to badik or keris daggers, and according to Ma Huan, they were already very popular at the early 15th century.
The Yogyakarta Sonobudaya Museum, has a 15th century sculpture representing Bima with a dagger on its back. Although the blade can not be seen, the sheath, the hilt and the Mendak are characteristic of the Keris.
From the 16th century, according to European travelers the Keris is commonly worn in Java, Bali, Sumatra and Sulawesi. French sailors mention the Keris on several accounts. In 1613, the Portuguese, Godinho de Eredia, provides a detailed description of the dagger. In the 17th century it was worn at the Siamese court. Through trade and immigration, the Keris came to be known in remote places places such as Okinawa.
IV- BIRTH OF THE MODERN KERIS
from http://old.blades.free.fr/keris/introduction/origin/history4.htm
The Keris as we know it today is the result of a long evolution. It has probably slowly evolved from a short blade leaf shaped dagger, to a proto Buda Keris (10th century) with some dapur characteristics, but still used as a stabbing dagger. The modern Keris is a unique thrusting dagger. It has reached its current shape during the Majapahit Realm (14th century) and its height during the Mataram Kingdom (17-18th century).
In other parts of the archipelago it has evolved in other thrusting daggers (the Badik in Sulawesi, the Rencong in Aceh, the Sewar in Minangkabau or the Kujang in West Java), they probably all have common origins.
One of the specificity of the Keris is its connection with the serpent deity Naga. A Chinese monk, I- Ching, who lived in Java during the late 7th century noticed the local Buddhism possessed a unique characteristic: praying Naga deities. According to the tradition, the straight Keris represents a still serpent, whereas the wavy represent a moving serpent. The Naga is often represented on Keris blades.
Bima
Candi Sukuh,the 14th century temple, has a bas-relief representing a blacksmith shop with the god Bima forging a straight Keris. The tools to make the blade are below the Keris and above there is a display of blades of different shape:
symmetrical leaf shape with pronounced tips at the base
asymmetrical similar to the West Java Kujang or the Kudi.
In the same Candi Sukuh, there is also a Lingga (a phallus) with a straight Keris blade. >>>>>>
Keris on the Sukuh Lingga
Most of the information we have about the East Java kingdoms, comes from two books the Nagarakertagama (1365) and the Pararaton (early XVIth century). The first one does not mention the Keris, whereas the second tells us the story of Ken Angrok who ordered a magical Keris to the famous empu Gandrin.
The earliest description of we believe to be a pamor blade is made by Ma Huan in "The overall survey of the ocean's shores". Ma Huan was a translator who accompanied the Chinese Admiral Zheng He. During Zheng He third expedition they visited the Majapahit kingdom in 1416 and provided the following account: "... men in Java have a pa-lak stuck in their girdle. Everybody is carrying such a weapon, from the child of three years up to the oldest man. These daggers have very thin stripes and whitish flowers and made of the very best iron alloy; the handle is of gold, rhinoceros or ivory, cut into the shape of devil faces and finished carefully". The pa-lak name applied probably both to badik or keris daggers, and according to Ma Huan, they were already very popular at the early 15th century.
The Yogyakarta Sonobudaya Museum, has a 15th century sculpture representing Bima with a dagger on its back. Although the blade can not be seen, the sheath, the hilt and the Mendak are characteristic of the Keris.
From the 16th century, according to European travelers the Keris is commonly worn in Java, Bali, Sumatra and Sulawesi. French sailors mention the Keris on several accounts. In 1613, the Portuguese, Godinho de Eredia, provides a detailed description of the dagger. In the 17th century it was worn at the Siamese court. Through trade and immigration, the Keris came to be known in remote places places such as Okinawa.
Tausug "Performing Arts"
Tausug "Performing Arts"
from http://www.freewebs.com/tausugchat/art.html
Tausug visual arts are represented by carvings, metalworks, woodworks, tapestry and embroidery, mat making and basketry, textile and fashion, pottery, and other minor arts (Szanton 1963). In general, Tausug visual arts follow the Islamic prohibition of representing human or animal forms. Consequently, Mindanao and Sulu have developed ukkil or abstract motifs which are carved, printed, or painted into various media. These motifs are suggestive of leaves, vines, flowers, fruits, and various geometric shapes. Tausug carving is best exemplified by the sunduk or grave marker. Although not as stylized as those of the Samal, the Tausug sunduk are wood or stone carv-ings of geometric or floral forms. Women's grave mark-ers are flatter with carved geometric designs, those of the men are more floral. Sakayan or outriggers present yet another media for Tausug carving. Adornments are usually made on the prow and sometimes on the sambili or strips across the hull. The carvings are done either on the boat itself, or on a separate piece of wood which is then attached to the vessel. Abstract manok-manok (bird) motifs are the most common. Ajong-ajong/sula-sula are carved tips supporting the wrapped sail; the hidjuk (dark cord) on the sangpad (prow-plate) also serve as decoration. Carved saam or cross--pieces supporting the outriggers are called the mata (eyes) of the boat. Colors used on the finished carvings are yellow, red, green, white, and blue (Szanton 1973:33-47).
Tausug mananasal or blacksmiths produce bolo, kalis, and barong (bladed weapons). Fishing implem-ents are also made, such as the sangkil (single-po-inted spear) and the sapang (three-pronged spear). The more expensively fashioned blades have floral and geometric incisions; the ganja or metal strips which lock the handle and the blade are a decorative as well a functional device. Bronze casting is not as well developed as it is in Lanao. Among the several func-tional pieces produced were the batunjang (standing trays) and the talam (flat trays). Gold and silver-smithing for jewelry remain lucrative. Items produced by the local goldsmith include the singsing (ring), gallang (bracelet), gantung liug (necklace), bang (stud earring), aritis (dangling earring), pin (brooch), and gold teeth. In the past, tambuku (buttons) made of gold or silver decorated the traditional male and female costumes and were made with exquisite de-signs, often inlaid with palmata (semiprecious stones or gems). Among the favorite palmata are mussah (pearl), intan (diamond), kumalah (ruby) (Szanton 1973:47-51; Amilbangsa 1983:142-157).
An example of Tausug woodwork is the puhan (wooden handle) of bladed weapons which may be simple or decorated with gold or silver wires, strings, and rings. For the barong, the handle is wrapped in cord and metal at the far end, and carved and polished at the upper part. At the end of the grip is a protrusion carved with ukkil designs. The handle of the kalis, which the Tausug terms as daganan kalis, can also be profusely decorated, sometimes with mother-of-pearl. Taguban (scabbards) are beautifully carved and are covered with budbud (fine rattan). Other woodworks include kitchen utensils and furniture items like beds, chests, and wardrobes (Szanton 1973:51-54).
There are two types of tapestries that the Tausug use to hang as house decoration: the luhul or canopy that hangs from the ceiling, and the kikitil/buras or wall tapestry. The ukkil design used for both is first traced on a starched white cloth which is then cut and sewn over a red, green, yellow, or blue background material. The ukkil design of the luhul, for example, is in the form of a tree with spreading leaves, vines, flowers, and branches. About 1 m wide, the kikitil is a smaller version of the luhul and is hung on the wall. The size of the room determines the length of the kikitil which is divided into various units correspond-ing to individualized panels. The ukkil design may be similar in all units.
Embroidery, another Tausug visual art form, is used to ornament table cloth, pillow cases, bed spreads, and the habul tiyahian (embroidered tube). The brightest silk thread is often used for the habul to underscore the design, which follows the ukkil pattern.
Used as bedding or underbedding, baluy or mats are usually made from pandanus. Double layering pro-vides decoration and color; a simple base mat is sewn under a colored panel which has been dyed with one or more colors. The designs the Tausug usually adopt are the geometric patterns found on the pis siabit (male headgear) or the plaid known as baluy palang. Mat designs are memorized and passed on to the next generation.
The Tausug male hat is made by weaving nito with bamboo strips over nipa leaves. Thus it is three-layered and woven in a sawali pattern. Structure and form are provided by the nipa leaves and the light bamboo frame, while texture and feel are supplied by the nito strips. The open-weave layer assures ventila-tion inside. Another example of Tausug basketry is the small nito container, 18-20 cm in diameter, used either as a coin or as a personal basket. If used as a personal basket, it comes with cover and handle. As a coin basket, it is supplied with a loop to allow it to be carried on a finger. A slit serves as the coin slot. Aniline dyes-magenta, blue, violet, and green-color the nito strips (Lane 1986:193-194).
Hablun or textile weaving is another well-known art form among the Tausug. The most popular woven material is the pis siabit or male headgear, which is about 1 sqm in size and distinct for its geometric de-signs. Because of its intricacy, one pis takes about three to four weeks of work. Only women weave the pis and other materials such as the kambut (sash) and kandit (loincloth and sash), which unfortunately have completely disappeared (Szanton 1973:6.4-65). The female biyatawi is a blouse made of plain material like satin and is ornamented with tambuku (gold or silver buttons) on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. It is usually worn with sawwal (loose trousers) of silk or brocade. A habul tiyahian is either slung across the shoulder or allowed to hang on one arm (Amilbangsa 1983:76-113).
The tadjung is an all-purpose skirt worn by both men and women. It has various other uses: as a turung or headcover, sash or waistband, blanket, ham-mock, and others. Resembling a big pillow case, the cloth for a patadjung has designs which are variously inspired: batik prints from Indonesia and Malaysia, checks and stripes from India, dunggala or stylized geometrical and floral patterns from Sarawak, Indone-sia, or Malaysia, calligraphic motifs from the Middle East (Amilbangsa 1983:82).
Tausug men wear the sawwal kuput or sawwal kantiyu (tight and loose trousers respectively), and match this with the badju lapi, a collarless short-tailored jacket similar to the biyatawi. The sleeves of the badju lapi are either long or "three-fourth's" with slits at the wrists. The badju lapi is likewise ornamented with tambuku on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. The legs of the sawwal kaput are skin-tight down to the ankles, and have 22.5 cm slits on each side, which are also decorated with buttons. A kandit (handwoven or embroidered sash) tied around the waist serves to keep the sawwal kuput in place. A pis siabit is either tied around the head or left to hang on the shoulder (Amilbangsa 1983:114-130).
Function and simplicity define Tausug pottery. Decorations are limited to simple geometric lines as the emphasis has always been on the quantity not quality of the product. Examples include pots, vases, jugs, and various pieces of kitchenware (Szanton 1973: 61-63). Tutup or plate covers are made by Tausug men and women; smaller pieces are called turung dulang riki-riki, and are used as wall adornment. Tutup mea-sure about 75 cm in diameter and are made of coconut leaves inside, and silal or buri leaves outside. Colored pandan leaves are sewn on the exterior and serve as decoration (Szanton 1973:64). Calligraphy is found printed or carved on doors and gates, as well as on tapestries. Musical instruments, especially the gabbang (native xylophone), are also decorated by the Tausug (Szanton 1973:65).
Tausug Literary Arts :
Tausug literature includes poetry and prose, and narrative and nonnarrative forms. The content of these forms belongs to either of two traditions: folk, which is more closely related with indigenous culture; or Islamic, which is based on the Quran and the Hadith (sayings) and Sunna (traditions and practices) of the prophet Muhammad. Folk nonnarrative poetry includes tigum-tigum or tukud-tukud (riddles), masaalaa (proverbs), daman (poetic dialogue or advice), pituwa (maxims), malikata (word inversions), tilik (love spells), and tarasul (poems) (Tuban 1977:101).
Tausug tigum-tigum are either asked in casual conversation or sung during celebrations; but in both cases, the answer is volunteered as soon as the audience has given up guessing. In form, they may be in quatrain form (when sung), in rimed couplet, or in prose. Common subjects include flora and fauna, house-hold items, climate, topography, celestial bodies, human anatomy, food, games, and religious practices (Tuban 1977:101, 108, 111-112). Riddling in Tausug society functions mainly as a form of entertainment, especially during weddings, wakes, and the month of Ramadan, when it becomes a duel of wit and wisdom. It also serves a pedagogical value by training children to think and be aware of nature and the objects around them.
Tausug Performing Arts :
Various musical instruments, played solo or as an ensemble, provide the Tausug with music. Most notab-le is the kulintangan ensemble consisting of two gandang (drums), a tungallan (large gong), a duwahan (set of two-paired gongs), and the kulintangan (a graduated series of 8 to 11 small gongs). At least five players are needed to play the ensemble which is used to accompany dances or provide music during celebra-tions (Kiefer 1970:2).
Other popular instruments are the gabbang (na-tive xylophone) and the biyula (native violin). With 14 to 24 keys divided into seven-note scales, the gabbang has become the most popular musical instrument in Sulu. It is used to accompany Tausug vocal music such as the sindil. The tune produced when the gabbang is played solo by a man or woman is called tahta'.
The biyula is similar to but larger than the western violin. It consists of four strings played by a bow made of horsehair. Traditionally played by men, the biyula, with the gabbang, accompany the sindil (Kiefer 1970:2) Flute music is associated with peace and travel. It represented by the following less popular instruments: the saunay (reed flute), suling (bamboo flute), and kulaing (jew's harp). The saunay is essentially a six-holed slender bamboo, 1.5 mm in diameter, capped by a sampung simud (mouthguard). A resonating chamber made of palm leaves is housed in the mouthguard. The suling is a larger version of the saunay. It is a 60-cm long bamboo with a 2-cm diameter. Like the saunay, it has six fingerholes (Kiefer 1970:4). The repertoire for Tausug instrumental music in-clude: the gabbang tahtah (gabbang with biyula accompaniment); the kasi-lasa, lugu, and tahtah (biyula songs); the sinug kiadtu-kari (kulintangan); the tiawag kasi (saunay music), the tahtah (suling music); and others (Kiefer 1970).
Kalangan or Tausug vocal music can be divided into narrative and lyric songs, and further into the lugu and the paggabang traditions. The luguh traditio-n denotes unaccompanied religious songs, while the paggabang tradition applies to "more mundane" songs that are accompanied by the gabbang and biyula (Trimillos 1972).
Narrative songs tell a story and include all the sung kissa like the parang sabil. Lyric songs express ideas and feelings and consist of the langan batabata (children's songs), the baat (occupational songs), the baat caallaw and pangantin (funeral and bridal songs, respectively), the tarasul (sung poems), the sindil (sung verbal jousts), the liangkit (from langkit or "chained"), and the sangbay or song to accompany the dalling-dalling dance. The langan batabata are more specifically lulla-bies. They have a soft and relaxing melody (Tuban 1977:210):
The liangkit are long solo pieces accompanied by the gabbang and biyula. Unlike the sindil, they are not performed extemporaneously. The subject of the liangkit is wide-love, war, nature, and others. The Tausug lelling, adopted from the Samal, are part of the liangkit tradition, but are sung to the music provided by a guitar. They relate and comment on current events. One good ex-ample is the lelling narrating the entry of the Moro National Liberation Front forces into Jolo town in February 1974.
The art of singing to the dalling-dalling dance is called pagsangbay. The song usually dictates the movement that the dancers should follow. The lugu or sail tradition is associated with reli-gious rituals and rites of the life cycle such as wed-dings, births, paggunting, pagtammat, and funerals. It is characterized by dahig or jugjug (high vocal ten-sion). The tempo is slow with long sustained and stressed tones. Although usually performed by women, the lugu can also be sung by men (Trimillos 1974):
The most well-known dance of the Tausug is the pangalay. It is the basic style from which the move-ments of various dances in Sulu and Tawi-Tawi are derived. The pangalay is danced by either sex, alone or together, and is usually accompanied by the kulintang ensemble. The movement of the pangalay is concen-trated on the thighs, knees, ankles, toes, waist, shoulders, neck, elbows, wrists, and fingers. The torso is usually kept rigid, moving upward or downward as the flow of the dance demands. The feet is firmly planted on the ground and move in small shuffling steps (Amilbangsa 1983:14, 62). The pangalay dances are distinctive in their use of the janggay (metal nail extenders) to underscore hand movements. The extended fingers are stiff and set apart from the thumbs.
Another well-known Tausug dance is the dalling--dalling, where handkerchiefs or fans are used. A sing-er usually accompanies the dance by describing the various movements of the dancer. The song is known as the sangbay and the singing. pagsangbay. Some of the songs used are "Lingisan/kinjung-kinjung," "Dalling-dalling." The development of the dalling--dalling is attributed to a native Tausug by the name of Albani who became a famous proponent of the dance (Amilbangsa 1983:42).
Tausug martial-art dances are performed by men and include the langka-silat and the langka-kuntaw. The langka-silat simulates a fight and is usually per-formed with two or three other dancers. The langka--kuntaw is a dance of self-defense, resembling the mar-tial arts of China, Japan, and Burma (Amilbangsa 1983:32-35). A Tausug occupational dance is the linggisan which depicts a bird in flight; the taute, which shows a fisher diving for the prickly catfish; and and the suwa--suwa, which shows dancers imitating the swaying of lemon trees (Amilbangsa 1983:28).
from http://www.freewebs.com/tausugchat/art.html
Tausug visual arts are represented by carvings, metalworks, woodworks, tapestry and embroidery, mat making and basketry, textile and fashion, pottery, and other minor arts (Szanton 1963). In general, Tausug visual arts follow the Islamic prohibition of representing human or animal forms. Consequently, Mindanao and Sulu have developed ukkil or abstract motifs which are carved, printed, or painted into various media. These motifs are suggestive of leaves, vines, flowers, fruits, and various geometric shapes. Tausug carving is best exemplified by the sunduk or grave marker. Although not as stylized as those of the Samal, the Tausug sunduk are wood or stone carv-ings of geometric or floral forms. Women's grave mark-ers are flatter with carved geometric designs, those of the men are more floral. Sakayan or outriggers present yet another media for Tausug carving. Adornments are usually made on the prow and sometimes on the sambili or strips across the hull. The carvings are done either on the boat itself, or on a separate piece of wood which is then attached to the vessel. Abstract manok-manok (bird) motifs are the most common. Ajong-ajong/sula-sula are carved tips supporting the wrapped sail; the hidjuk (dark cord) on the sangpad (prow-plate) also serve as decoration. Carved saam or cross--pieces supporting the outriggers are called the mata (eyes) of the boat. Colors used on the finished carvings are yellow, red, green, white, and blue (Szanton 1973:33-47).
Tausug mananasal or blacksmiths produce bolo, kalis, and barong (bladed weapons). Fishing implem-ents are also made, such as the sangkil (single-po-inted spear) and the sapang (three-pronged spear). The more expensively fashioned blades have floral and geometric incisions; the ganja or metal strips which lock the handle and the blade are a decorative as well a functional device. Bronze casting is not as well developed as it is in Lanao. Among the several func-tional pieces produced were the batunjang (standing trays) and the talam (flat trays). Gold and silver-smithing for jewelry remain lucrative. Items produced by the local goldsmith include the singsing (ring), gallang (bracelet), gantung liug (necklace), bang (stud earring), aritis (dangling earring), pin (brooch), and gold teeth. In the past, tambuku (buttons) made of gold or silver decorated the traditional male and female costumes and were made with exquisite de-signs, often inlaid with palmata (semiprecious stones or gems). Among the favorite palmata are mussah (pearl), intan (diamond), kumalah (ruby) (Szanton 1973:47-51; Amilbangsa 1983:142-157).
An example of Tausug woodwork is the puhan (wooden handle) of bladed weapons which may be simple or decorated with gold or silver wires, strings, and rings. For the barong, the handle is wrapped in cord and metal at the far end, and carved and polished at the upper part. At the end of the grip is a protrusion carved with ukkil designs. The handle of the kalis, which the Tausug terms as daganan kalis, can also be profusely decorated, sometimes with mother-of-pearl. Taguban (scabbards) are beautifully carved and are covered with budbud (fine rattan). Other woodworks include kitchen utensils and furniture items like beds, chests, and wardrobes (Szanton 1973:51-54).
There are two types of tapestries that the Tausug use to hang as house decoration: the luhul or canopy that hangs from the ceiling, and the kikitil/buras or wall tapestry. The ukkil design used for both is first traced on a starched white cloth which is then cut and sewn over a red, green, yellow, or blue background material. The ukkil design of the luhul, for example, is in the form of a tree with spreading leaves, vines, flowers, and branches. About 1 m wide, the kikitil is a smaller version of the luhul and is hung on the wall. The size of the room determines the length of the kikitil which is divided into various units correspond-ing to individualized panels. The ukkil design may be similar in all units.
Embroidery, another Tausug visual art form, is used to ornament table cloth, pillow cases, bed spreads, and the habul tiyahian (embroidered tube). The brightest silk thread is often used for the habul to underscore the design, which follows the ukkil pattern.
Used as bedding or underbedding, baluy or mats are usually made from pandanus. Double layering pro-vides decoration and color; a simple base mat is sewn under a colored panel which has been dyed with one or more colors. The designs the Tausug usually adopt are the geometric patterns found on the pis siabit (male headgear) or the plaid known as baluy palang. Mat designs are memorized and passed on to the next generation.
The Tausug male hat is made by weaving nito with bamboo strips over nipa leaves. Thus it is three-layered and woven in a sawali pattern. Structure and form are provided by the nipa leaves and the light bamboo frame, while texture and feel are supplied by the nito strips. The open-weave layer assures ventila-tion inside. Another example of Tausug basketry is the small nito container, 18-20 cm in diameter, used either as a coin or as a personal basket. If used as a personal basket, it comes with cover and handle. As a coin basket, it is supplied with a loop to allow it to be carried on a finger. A slit serves as the coin slot. Aniline dyes-magenta, blue, violet, and green-color the nito strips (Lane 1986:193-194).
Hablun or textile weaving is another well-known art form among the Tausug. The most popular woven material is the pis siabit or male headgear, which is about 1 sqm in size and distinct for its geometric de-signs. Because of its intricacy, one pis takes about three to four weeks of work. Only women weave the pis and other materials such as the kambut (sash) and kandit (loincloth and sash), which unfortunately have completely disappeared (Szanton 1973:6.4-65). The female biyatawi is a blouse made of plain material like satin and is ornamented with tambuku (gold or silver buttons) on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. It is usually worn with sawwal (loose trousers) of silk or brocade. A habul tiyahian is either slung across the shoulder or allowed to hang on one arm (Amilbangsa 1983:76-113).
The tadjung is an all-purpose skirt worn by both men and women. It has various other uses: as a turung or headcover, sash or waistband, blanket, ham-mock, and others. Resembling a big pillow case, the cloth for a patadjung has designs which are variously inspired: batik prints from Indonesia and Malaysia, checks and stripes from India, dunggala or stylized geometrical and floral patterns from Sarawak, Indone-sia, or Malaysia, calligraphic motifs from the Middle East (Amilbangsa 1983:82).
Tausug men wear the sawwal kuput or sawwal kantiyu (tight and loose trousers respectively), and match this with the badju lapi, a collarless short-tailored jacket similar to the biyatawi. The sleeves of the badju lapi are either long or "three-fourth's" with slits at the wrists. The badju lapi is likewise ornamented with tambuku on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. The legs of the sawwal kaput are skin-tight down to the ankles, and have 22.5 cm slits on each side, which are also decorated with buttons. A kandit (handwoven or embroidered sash) tied around the waist serves to keep the sawwal kuput in place. A pis siabit is either tied around the head or left to hang on the shoulder (Amilbangsa 1983:114-130).
Function and simplicity define Tausug pottery. Decorations are limited to simple geometric lines as the emphasis has always been on the quantity not quality of the product. Examples include pots, vases, jugs, and various pieces of kitchenware (Szanton 1973: 61-63). Tutup or plate covers are made by Tausug men and women; smaller pieces are called turung dulang riki-riki, and are used as wall adornment. Tutup mea-sure about 75 cm in diameter and are made of coconut leaves inside, and silal or buri leaves outside. Colored pandan leaves are sewn on the exterior and serve as decoration (Szanton 1973:64). Calligraphy is found printed or carved on doors and gates, as well as on tapestries. Musical instruments, especially the gabbang (native xylophone), are also decorated by the Tausug (Szanton 1973:65).
Tausug Literary Arts :
Tausug literature includes poetry and prose, and narrative and nonnarrative forms. The content of these forms belongs to either of two traditions: folk, which is more closely related with indigenous culture; or Islamic, which is based on the Quran and the Hadith (sayings) and Sunna (traditions and practices) of the prophet Muhammad. Folk nonnarrative poetry includes tigum-tigum or tukud-tukud (riddles), masaalaa (proverbs), daman (poetic dialogue or advice), pituwa (maxims), malikata (word inversions), tilik (love spells), and tarasul (poems) (Tuban 1977:101).
Tausug tigum-tigum are either asked in casual conversation or sung during celebrations; but in both cases, the answer is volunteered as soon as the audience has given up guessing. In form, they may be in quatrain form (when sung), in rimed couplet, or in prose. Common subjects include flora and fauna, house-hold items, climate, topography, celestial bodies, human anatomy, food, games, and religious practices (Tuban 1977:101, 108, 111-112). Riddling in Tausug society functions mainly as a form of entertainment, especially during weddings, wakes, and the month of Ramadan, when it becomes a duel of wit and wisdom. It also serves a pedagogical value by training children to think and be aware of nature and the objects around them.
Tausug Performing Arts :
Various musical instruments, played solo or as an ensemble, provide the Tausug with music. Most notab-le is the kulintangan ensemble consisting of two gandang (drums), a tungallan (large gong), a duwahan (set of two-paired gongs), and the kulintangan (a graduated series of 8 to 11 small gongs). At least five players are needed to play the ensemble which is used to accompany dances or provide music during celebra-tions (Kiefer 1970:2).
Other popular instruments are the gabbang (na-tive xylophone) and the biyula (native violin). With 14 to 24 keys divided into seven-note scales, the gabbang has become the most popular musical instrument in Sulu. It is used to accompany Tausug vocal music such as the sindil. The tune produced when the gabbang is played solo by a man or woman is called tahta'.
The biyula is similar to but larger than the western violin. It consists of four strings played by a bow made of horsehair. Traditionally played by men, the biyula, with the gabbang, accompany the sindil (Kiefer 1970:2) Flute music is associated with peace and travel. It represented by the following less popular instruments: the saunay (reed flute), suling (bamboo flute), and kulaing (jew's harp). The saunay is essentially a six-holed slender bamboo, 1.5 mm in diameter, capped by a sampung simud (mouthguard). A resonating chamber made of palm leaves is housed in the mouthguard. The suling is a larger version of the saunay. It is a 60-cm long bamboo with a 2-cm diameter. Like the saunay, it has six fingerholes (Kiefer 1970:4). The repertoire for Tausug instrumental music in-clude: the gabbang tahtah (gabbang with biyula accompaniment); the kasi-lasa, lugu, and tahtah (biyula songs); the sinug kiadtu-kari (kulintangan); the tiawag kasi (saunay music), the tahtah (suling music); and others (Kiefer 1970).
Kalangan or Tausug vocal music can be divided into narrative and lyric songs, and further into the lugu and the paggabang traditions. The luguh traditio-n denotes unaccompanied religious songs, while the paggabang tradition applies to "more mundane" songs that are accompanied by the gabbang and biyula (Trimillos 1972).
Narrative songs tell a story and include all the sung kissa like the parang sabil. Lyric songs express ideas and feelings and consist of the langan batabata (children's songs), the baat (occupational songs), the baat caallaw and pangantin (funeral and bridal songs, respectively), the tarasul (sung poems), the sindil (sung verbal jousts), the liangkit (from langkit or "chained"), and the sangbay or song to accompany the dalling-dalling dance. The langan batabata are more specifically lulla-bies. They have a soft and relaxing melody (Tuban 1977:210):
The liangkit are long solo pieces accompanied by the gabbang and biyula. Unlike the sindil, they are not performed extemporaneously. The subject of the liangkit is wide-love, war, nature, and others. The Tausug lelling, adopted from the Samal, are part of the liangkit tradition, but are sung to the music provided by a guitar. They relate and comment on current events. One good ex-ample is the lelling narrating the entry of the Moro National Liberation Front forces into Jolo town in February 1974.
The art of singing to the dalling-dalling dance is called pagsangbay. The song usually dictates the movement that the dancers should follow. The lugu or sail tradition is associated with reli-gious rituals and rites of the life cycle such as wed-dings, births, paggunting, pagtammat, and funerals. It is characterized by dahig or jugjug (high vocal ten-sion). The tempo is slow with long sustained and stressed tones. Although usually performed by women, the lugu can also be sung by men (Trimillos 1974):
The most well-known dance of the Tausug is the pangalay. It is the basic style from which the move-ments of various dances in Sulu and Tawi-Tawi are derived. The pangalay is danced by either sex, alone or together, and is usually accompanied by the kulintang ensemble. The movement of the pangalay is concen-trated on the thighs, knees, ankles, toes, waist, shoulders, neck, elbows, wrists, and fingers. The torso is usually kept rigid, moving upward or downward as the flow of the dance demands. The feet is firmly planted on the ground and move in small shuffling steps (Amilbangsa 1983:14, 62). The pangalay dances are distinctive in their use of the janggay (metal nail extenders) to underscore hand movements. The extended fingers are stiff and set apart from the thumbs.
Another well-known Tausug dance is the dalling--dalling, where handkerchiefs or fans are used. A sing-er usually accompanies the dance by describing the various movements of the dancer. The song is known as the sangbay and the singing. pagsangbay. Some of the songs used are "Lingisan/kinjung-kinjung," "Dalling-dalling." The development of the dalling--dalling is attributed to a native Tausug by the name of Albani who became a famous proponent of the dance (Amilbangsa 1983:42).
Tausug martial-art dances are performed by men and include the langka-silat and the langka-kuntaw. The langka-silat simulates a fight and is usually per-formed with two or three other dancers. The langka--kuntaw is a dance of self-defense, resembling the mar-tial arts of China, Japan, and Burma (Amilbangsa 1983:32-35). A Tausug occupational dance is the linggisan which depicts a bird in flight; the taute, which shows a fisher diving for the prickly catfish; and and the suwa--suwa, which shows dancers imitating the swaying of lemon trees (Amilbangsa 1983:28).
Adab (Etiquite) among the Minangkabau
Adab (Etiquite) among the Minangkabau
by ISFA
The Minangkabau people of West Sumatra have been studied from an anthropological perspective by many different researchers, historians, and academics. Though their culture and ways of life date back many centuries, many elements have been preserved throughout the ages and are reflected in daily life even today. Visiting Padang and the regions throughout West Sumatra gives a window into the ancient culture still thriving there.
The language, Minang, is a unique dialect, not identical to Bahasa Indonesia but rather in many ways closer to the Malay language. The people still practice the 'adab' and 'adat' in daily life: it is customary to call every adult either 'Pak,' for a man, or 'Ibu,' for a woman, as a formal salutation and term of respect, regardless of whether or not you are already acquainted. Visitors find that they never enter another person's home without being offered food or drink, even when visiting people living in poverty. At the same time, visitors calling on friends and family never arrive empty handed, but always bring something with them, even as a small token of respect and appreciation.
One of the adages of the Minang people is that 'Nature is the best teacher', and the people live in very close harmony with the natural environment. This is very evident once you travel even a short distance outside the city: people live directly from the land. On the ocean, people live in fishing villages very close to the ocean, working with hand-drawn nets in boats driven by the wind and the tides rather than engines. Farther inland, the people are farmers, growing rice and vegetables, and in some places even testing energy crops. All of the work is still done by hand, from planting and plowing the fields, to harvesting the crops, to drying and milling the grains and eventually, carrying the finished product, on foot, to the local market. Rather than using mechanical equipment, farmers use water buffalo, 'kabau,' to help pull hand-plows. The animals are allowed to roam freely in the neighborhood, and often-times end up traveling the same paths between their homes and some choice grazing lands nearby.
Outside the city, the children are raised with these same values. In the city, the local governments and officials concentrate their efforts not only on maintaining these values, but also on showcasing the cultural arts and traditions of the Minang people, for the sake of instilling respect and enthusiasm in the youth, and also for the sake of drawing tourists from around the region and around the world.
by ISFA
The Minangkabau people of West Sumatra have been studied from an anthropological perspective by many different researchers, historians, and academics. Though their culture and ways of life date back many centuries, many elements have been preserved throughout the ages and are reflected in daily life even today. Visiting Padang and the regions throughout West Sumatra gives a window into the ancient culture still thriving there.
The language, Minang, is a unique dialect, not identical to Bahasa Indonesia but rather in many ways closer to the Malay language. The people still practice the 'adab' and 'adat' in daily life: it is customary to call every adult either 'Pak,' for a man, or 'Ibu,' for a woman, as a formal salutation and term of respect, regardless of whether or not you are already acquainted. Visitors find that they never enter another person's home without being offered food or drink, even when visiting people living in poverty. At the same time, visitors calling on friends and family never arrive empty handed, but always bring something with them, even as a small token of respect and appreciation.
One of the adages of the Minang people is that 'Nature is the best teacher', and the people live in very close harmony with the natural environment. This is very evident once you travel even a short distance outside the city: people live directly from the land. On the ocean, people live in fishing villages very close to the ocean, working with hand-drawn nets in boats driven by the wind and the tides rather than engines. Farther inland, the people are farmers, growing rice and vegetables, and in some places even testing energy crops. All of the work is still done by hand, from planting and plowing the fields, to harvesting the crops, to drying and milling the grains and eventually, carrying the finished product, on foot, to the local market. Rather than using mechanical equipment, farmers use water buffalo, 'kabau,' to help pull hand-plows. The animals are allowed to roam freely in the neighborhood, and often-times end up traveling the same paths between their homes and some choice grazing lands nearby.
Outside the city, the children are raised with these same values. In the city, the local governments and officials concentrate their efforts not only on maintaining these values, but also on showcasing the cultural arts and traditions of the Minang people, for the sake of instilling respect and enthusiasm in the youth, and also for the sake of drawing tourists from around the region and around the world.
Saturday, April 17, 2010
Pre-Spanish Tribal Alphabet aka Baybayin
Baybayin History
from www.baybayin.com
First things first……Isn’t this Alibata? What’s the difference? Alibata was a term coined by Professor Paul Versoza mistakenly originated the writing system with Arabic. The first characters in the Arabic alphabet are ALIF-BA-TA. The “F” was dropped due to it rolling off the tongue better as Alibata rather than Alifbata. Baybayin comes from the root word Baybay meaning to spell. Baybayin literally means “To spell”.
“In 1921 I returned from the United States to give public lectures on Tagalog philology, calligraphy, and linguistics. I introduced the word alibata, which found its way into newsprints and often mentioned by many authors in their writings. I coined this word in 1914 in the New York Public Library, Manuscript Research Division, basing it on the Maguindanao (Moro) arrangement of letters of the alphabet after the Arabic: alif, ba, ta (alibata), “f” having been eliminated for euphony’s sake.”
The origins of the script can be traced back to India just like other languages and writing systems in South-East Asia.
baybayin-migration
Two Filipino scholars, Tavera and Paterno, have concluded that about 25 % of the Philippine vocabularies can be traced to Indian influence. (source)
Baybayin was used to write short things such as poetry and announcements. It was carved in natural material such as bamboo and pots.
The death of the script
One popular train of thought of the demise of the script is to blame the Spanish. While it’s easy to blame everything on them, we probably have most our information about the script thanks to the Spanish. With the double-edged sword of knowledge preservation and cultural eradication, they helped keep the script alive by putting it in books and sending them abroad for safe keeping. The very first book printed (up for debate) in the Philippines contained Baybayin. The Doctrina Christiana was published in 1593 as a tool to convert the natives to Christianity. It worked.
There wasn’t any mass burnings of any Baybayin manuscripts. The fact that we wrote on organic material such as bamboo, severely shortened the lifespan of writings.
What probably happened was what occurs when a new generation wants to make money. The fact was that we were colonized. In order to adapt to this new society, one had to learn new things. One of them was a new writing system. Times were changing and the standards for literacy were different. Think of it like a generation who used the typewriter then needed to adapt to the new environment of computers. Young people wanted these new material goods (and illusion of power) that the Spanish brought in. The best way to get it was money. Money comes from jobs and jobs come from knowledge. Know how to read and write using the new writing system? You would have a better chance of earning a living. It’s still like that today. Don’t know English or how to write English? Pretty soon it will be “You need to know Chinese” to get this job or you probably will not make as much money as the next person who does. There’s a reason why the call-center industry boomed in the Philippines – English. One can argue that Baybayin died a natural death.
from www.baybayin.com
First things first……Isn’t this Alibata? What’s the difference? Alibata was a term coined by Professor Paul Versoza mistakenly originated the writing system with Arabic. The first characters in the Arabic alphabet are ALIF-BA-TA. The “F” was dropped due to it rolling off the tongue better as Alibata rather than Alifbata. Baybayin comes from the root word Baybay meaning to spell. Baybayin literally means “To spell”.
“In 1921 I returned from the United States to give public lectures on Tagalog philology, calligraphy, and linguistics. I introduced the word alibata, which found its way into newsprints and often mentioned by many authors in their writings. I coined this word in 1914 in the New York Public Library, Manuscript Research Division, basing it on the Maguindanao (Moro) arrangement of letters of the alphabet after the Arabic: alif, ba, ta (alibata), “f” having been eliminated for euphony’s sake.”
The origins of the script can be traced back to India just like other languages and writing systems in South-East Asia.
baybayin-migration
Two Filipino scholars, Tavera and Paterno, have concluded that about 25 % of the Philippine vocabularies can be traced to Indian influence. (source)
Baybayin was used to write short things such as poetry and announcements. It was carved in natural material such as bamboo and pots.
The death of the script
One popular train of thought of the demise of the script is to blame the Spanish. While it’s easy to blame everything on them, we probably have most our information about the script thanks to the Spanish. With the double-edged sword of knowledge preservation and cultural eradication, they helped keep the script alive by putting it in books and sending them abroad for safe keeping. The very first book printed (up for debate) in the Philippines contained Baybayin. The Doctrina Christiana was published in 1593 as a tool to convert the natives to Christianity. It worked.
There wasn’t any mass burnings of any Baybayin manuscripts. The fact that we wrote on organic material such as bamboo, severely shortened the lifespan of writings.
What probably happened was what occurs when a new generation wants to make money. The fact was that we were colonized. In order to adapt to this new society, one had to learn new things. One of them was a new writing system. Times were changing and the standards for literacy were different. Think of it like a generation who used the typewriter then needed to adapt to the new environment of computers. Young people wanted these new material goods (and illusion of power) that the Spanish brought in. The best way to get it was money. Money comes from jobs and jobs come from knowledge. Know how to read and write using the new writing system? You would have a better chance of earning a living. It’s still like that today. Don’t know English or how to write English? Pretty soon it will be “You need to know Chinese” to get this job or you probably will not make as much money as the next person who does. There’s a reason why the call-center industry boomed in the Philippines – English. One can argue that Baybayin died a natural death.
Saturday, April 10, 2010
My journey to Islam - How Malay martial arts led a theologically dissatisfied American Protestant to Islam.
Abdul-Lateef Abdullah (Steven Krauss)
My journey to Islam - How Malay martial arts led a theologically dissatisfied American Protestant to Islam.
My experience in Islam began as a graduate student in New York City in 1998.
Up to that point in my life, for 25 years, I had been a Protestant
Christian, but had not been practicing my religion for quite some time. I
was more interested in “spirituality” and looking for anything that didn’t
have to do with organized religion. To me, Christianity was out of touch and
not relevant to the times. It was hard for me to find anything in it that I
could apply to my everyday life. This disillusion with Christianity led me
to shun everything that claimed to be organized religion, due to my
assumption that they were all pretty much the same, or at least in terms of
their lack of relevance and usefulness.
Much of my frustration with Christianity stemmed from its lack of knowledge
and guidance around the nature of God, and the individual’s relationship to
Him. To me, the Christian philosophy depends on this rather bizarre
intermediary relationship that we are supposed to have with Jesus, who on
one hand was a man, but was also divine. For me, this difficult and very
vague relationship with our Creator left me searching for something that
could provide me with a better understanding of God, and our relationship to
Him. Why couldn’t I just pray directly to God? Why did I have to begin and
end every prayer with “in the name of Jesus Christ?” How can an eternal,
omnipotent Creator and Sustainer also take the form of a man? Why would He
need to? These were just a few of the questions that I could not resolve and
come to terms with. Thus, I was hungry for a more straightforward and lucid
approach to religion that could provide my life with true guidance, not just
dogma that was void of knowledge based in reason.
While in graduate school, I had a Jewish roommate who was a student of the
martial arts. While I was living with him, he was studying an art called
silat, a traditional Malaysian martial art that is based on the teachings of
Islam. When my roommate would come home from his silat classes, he would
tell me all about the uniqueness of silat and its rich spiritual dimension.
As I was quite interested in learning martial arts at the time, I was
intrigued by what I had heard, and decided to accompany my roommate to class
one Saturday morning. Although I did not realize it at the time, my
experience in Islam was beginning that morning at my first silat class in
New York City back on February 28th, 1998. There, I met my teacher, Cikgu
(which means teacher in Malay) Sulaiman, the man who would first orient me
to the religion of Islam. Although I thought I was beginning a career as a
martial artist, that day back in 1998 actually represented my first step
toward becoming Muslim.
From the very beginning, I was intrigued by silat and Islam and began
spending as much time as possible with my teacher. As my roommate and I were
equally passionate about silat, we would go to my teacher’s house and soak
up as much knowledge as we could from him. In fact, upon our completing
graduate school in the spring of 1998, upon his invitation, we spent the
entire summer living with him and his wife. As my learning in silat
increased, so did my learning about Islam, a religion that I had hardly any
knowledge of prior to my experience in silat.
What made my orientation to Islam so powerful was that as I was learning
about it, I was also living it. Because I studied at the home of my teacher,
being in the presence of devout Muslims allowed me to be constantly
surrounded by the sounds, sights and practices of Islam. For as Islam is an
entire lifestyle, when you are in an Islamic environment, you cannot
separate it out from everyday life. Unlike Christianity, which lends toward
a separation between daily life and religion, Islam requires its followers
to integrate worship of Allah into everything we do. Thus, in living with my
teacher, I was immersed in the Islamic deen (lifestyle) and experiencing
first-hand how it can shape one’s entire way of life.
In the beginning, Islam was very different and powerful to me. It was also
very foreign in many ways and the amount of discipline it requires was
difficult to understand. At the time, I was liberal in many ways, and was
used to shunning anything dogmatic or imposed, regardless of where it came
from! As time went on, however, and my understanding of Islam grew, I began
to slowly see that what seemed to be religious dogma was really a lifestyle
put forth to us by our Creator. This lifestyle, I would later learn, is the
straight path to true contentment, not just the sensual and superficial way
of life that my society and culture promote. I realized that the question is
quite simple actually. Who could possibly know better what the best way of
life is for human beings than the all-wise Creator?
From that first silat class in New York City to the day I took my shahadda,
July 30, 1999, I had undergone a thorough self-examination that was
comprised of two major processes. One was to question the culture of the
society I was brought up in, and the second was to question the role I
wanted religion to play in my everyday life. As for my culture, this one was
not as difficult as most people would think.
American culture is highly influential on how we see life because it
constantly bombards us with sensual gratification aimed at appealing to our
worldly desires. In America, happiness is defined by what we have and
consume, thus, the entire culture is geared toward the marketplace. Unless
we are removed from this type environment, it is difficult to see its
drawbacks, which are based on worshipping and putting faith in everything
but God, the only One that can provide us with real, lasting contentment in
our lives.
Being a social scientist by trade, much of my professional time is spent
trying to address the social ills of our society. As I learned more about
Islam, I came to the conclusion that many societal ills are based on
unhealthy social behavior. Since Islam is a lifestyle focused totally on the
most healthy, positive way of conducting our lives in every setting, then it
is, and will always be, the only real answer to any society’s social
dilemmas. With this realization, not only did I decide that Islam was
relevant to my everyday life, but I began to understand why it is so
different from other religions. Only Islam provides knowledge and guidance
for every aspect of life. Only Islam provides a way to achieve health and
happiness in every dimension of life – physical, spiritual, mental,
financial, etc. Only Islam provides us with a clear life goal and purpose.
And only Islam shows us the proper way to live in and contribute to a
community. Islam is what everyone needs, and what so many who have not found
it yet, are searching for. It is the path to purpose, meaning, health and
happiness. This is because it is the straight path to the source of truth
and real power – Allah.
It was only until I actually became Muslim that I realized just how
encompassing the Islamic lifestyle is. Literally everything we do has one
underlying purpose – to remember Allah. The lifestyle provides us with the
way – not just the understanding – but an actual method of constantly
remembering our Creator in as simple an act as greeting someone, or getting
dressed in the morning, or waking up from sleep. Islam shows us that by
remembering Allah, everything we do becomes focused on Him, and thus becomes
an act of worship. From this, our energy, our thoughts, and our actions all
become redirected away from unhealthy and useless causes, and focused on the
source of all goodness. Thus, we are continuously tapping into His divine
strength, mercy and grace. So, by remembering Allah constantly, we become
stronger and healthier in every aspect of our lives and not distracted by
self-defeating thoughts and behaviors.
There still remain some minor aspects of Islam that have proven to be
somewhat difficult adjustments for me. Nevertheless, I thank Allah everyday
for the ease to which he has allowed me to make the necessary changes in my
life so that I can continue to live in America and still be, Insha-Allah, a
good Muslim. As a white, middle-class American, many cultural aspects of
Islam are quite different from the way in which I grew up. In fact, when I
finally broke the news to my family that I had become Muslim, almost all of
their questions and concerns were related to cultural differences –
marriage, social life, family, etc. They were much less concerned about my
general beliefs about God and religious practice. For my family, friends,
and co-workers, becoming Muslim was not seen necessarily as a negative
change, but it has required a great deal of education about Islam.
Because acquiring knowledge is a critical component to a Muslim’s
development, having a teacher who has taught me how to apply Islam in
everyday life has made all the difference in managing whatever difficulties
I have experienced from my reversion. Having someone knowledgeable you can
turn to whenever you have questions is a wonderful support that every new
shahadda should go out of their way to find. Islam is not a religion that
can be rationalized, in the way that Christianity and Judaism are. It is a
clear path that must be followed just as Allah has laid out for us through
the Qur’an and the lives of our beloved Prophet Muhammad (SAW), his
companions, and the saints of Islam.
In this day and age, in this society, discerning the path can often be
difficult, especially when we are constantly faced with questions and doubts
from people who on the surface may not be hostile to Islam, but whose
general lack of faith can have a harmful effect on someone who bases
everything they do on their love for Allah. It is also not easy being in an
environment where we are constantly bombarded with sensual temptations that
are seen as ordinary, common aspects of everyday life. But when we have the
support of a knowledgeable, experienced teacher, who is able to apply the
universal teachings of Islam to his life, then the truth becomes clear from
error, exactly how Allah (SWT) describes in the Qur’an. From this, we are
able to understand how to apply Islam correctly to our own lives, and
Insha-Allah receive Allah’s many blessings. The ultimate test, however, of
anyone who claims to have true and right knowledge, is to look at how they
apply it in their own lives. If their actions support their teachings, then
and only then should we look to them for guidance.
My journey to Islam has been a life-altering experience. It is one that with
every passing day, makes me more and more appreciative and thankful to
Almighty Allah. The extent of His mercy can only fully be understood from
the perspective of a Muslim – one who prostrates regularly and submits their
will to that of the Creator.
I look back at my life prior to Islam and reflect on the different ways I
sought guidance. I think back to all the different ideas I once had of who
God really is, and how we can become close to Him. I look back now with a
smile and perhaps even a tear because now I know the truth. Through Islam, I
know why so many people who do not believe have so much fear inside them.
Life can be very scary without God. I know, because I once harbored that
same level of fear. Now, however, I have the ultimate “self-help” program.
It’s the self-help program without the self. It’s the path that puts
everything is in its proper place. Now, life makes sense. Now, life is
order. Now, I know why I am here, where I want to go, what I want my life to
be, how I want to live, and what is most important not just to me, but to
everyone. I only hope and pray that others who have not found the path yet,
can feel the same that I do. Ya arhama rahimeen wal hamdulillahi rabbil
aylameen……
My journey to Islam - How Malay martial arts led a theologically dissatisfied American Protestant to Islam.
My experience in Islam began as a graduate student in New York City in 1998.
Up to that point in my life, for 25 years, I had been a Protestant
Christian, but had not been practicing my religion for quite some time. I
was more interested in “spirituality” and looking for anything that didn’t
have to do with organized religion. To me, Christianity was out of touch and
not relevant to the times. It was hard for me to find anything in it that I
could apply to my everyday life. This disillusion with Christianity led me
to shun everything that claimed to be organized religion, due to my
assumption that they were all pretty much the same, or at least in terms of
their lack of relevance and usefulness.
Much of my frustration with Christianity stemmed from its lack of knowledge
and guidance around the nature of God, and the individual’s relationship to
Him. To me, the Christian philosophy depends on this rather bizarre
intermediary relationship that we are supposed to have with Jesus, who on
one hand was a man, but was also divine. For me, this difficult and very
vague relationship with our Creator left me searching for something that
could provide me with a better understanding of God, and our relationship to
Him. Why couldn’t I just pray directly to God? Why did I have to begin and
end every prayer with “in the name of Jesus Christ?” How can an eternal,
omnipotent Creator and Sustainer also take the form of a man? Why would He
need to? These were just a few of the questions that I could not resolve and
come to terms with. Thus, I was hungry for a more straightforward and lucid
approach to religion that could provide my life with true guidance, not just
dogma that was void of knowledge based in reason.
While in graduate school, I had a Jewish roommate who was a student of the
martial arts. While I was living with him, he was studying an art called
silat, a traditional Malaysian martial art that is based on the teachings of
Islam. When my roommate would come home from his silat classes, he would
tell me all about the uniqueness of silat and its rich spiritual dimension.
As I was quite interested in learning martial arts at the time, I was
intrigued by what I had heard, and decided to accompany my roommate to class
one Saturday morning. Although I did not realize it at the time, my
experience in Islam was beginning that morning at my first silat class in
New York City back on February 28th, 1998. There, I met my teacher, Cikgu
(which means teacher in Malay) Sulaiman, the man who would first orient me
to the religion of Islam. Although I thought I was beginning a career as a
martial artist, that day back in 1998 actually represented my first step
toward becoming Muslim.
From the very beginning, I was intrigued by silat and Islam and began
spending as much time as possible with my teacher. As my roommate and I were
equally passionate about silat, we would go to my teacher’s house and soak
up as much knowledge as we could from him. In fact, upon our completing
graduate school in the spring of 1998, upon his invitation, we spent the
entire summer living with him and his wife. As my learning in silat
increased, so did my learning about Islam, a religion that I had hardly any
knowledge of prior to my experience in silat.
What made my orientation to Islam so powerful was that as I was learning
about it, I was also living it. Because I studied at the home of my teacher,
being in the presence of devout Muslims allowed me to be constantly
surrounded by the sounds, sights and practices of Islam. For as Islam is an
entire lifestyle, when you are in an Islamic environment, you cannot
separate it out from everyday life. Unlike Christianity, which lends toward
a separation between daily life and religion, Islam requires its followers
to integrate worship of Allah into everything we do. Thus, in living with my
teacher, I was immersed in the Islamic deen (lifestyle) and experiencing
first-hand how it can shape one’s entire way of life.
In the beginning, Islam was very different and powerful to me. It was also
very foreign in many ways and the amount of discipline it requires was
difficult to understand. At the time, I was liberal in many ways, and was
used to shunning anything dogmatic or imposed, regardless of where it came
from! As time went on, however, and my understanding of Islam grew, I began
to slowly see that what seemed to be religious dogma was really a lifestyle
put forth to us by our Creator. This lifestyle, I would later learn, is the
straight path to true contentment, not just the sensual and superficial way
of life that my society and culture promote. I realized that the question is
quite simple actually. Who could possibly know better what the best way of
life is for human beings than the all-wise Creator?
From that first silat class in New York City to the day I took my shahadda,
July 30, 1999, I had undergone a thorough self-examination that was
comprised of two major processes. One was to question the culture of the
society I was brought up in, and the second was to question the role I
wanted religion to play in my everyday life. As for my culture, this one was
not as difficult as most people would think.
American culture is highly influential on how we see life because it
constantly bombards us with sensual gratification aimed at appealing to our
worldly desires. In America, happiness is defined by what we have and
consume, thus, the entire culture is geared toward the marketplace. Unless
we are removed from this type environment, it is difficult to see its
drawbacks, which are based on worshipping and putting faith in everything
but God, the only One that can provide us with real, lasting contentment in
our lives.
Being a social scientist by trade, much of my professional time is spent
trying to address the social ills of our society. As I learned more about
Islam, I came to the conclusion that many societal ills are based on
unhealthy social behavior. Since Islam is a lifestyle focused totally on the
most healthy, positive way of conducting our lives in every setting, then it
is, and will always be, the only real answer to any society’s social
dilemmas. With this realization, not only did I decide that Islam was
relevant to my everyday life, but I began to understand why it is so
different from other religions. Only Islam provides knowledge and guidance
for every aspect of life. Only Islam provides a way to achieve health and
happiness in every dimension of life – physical, spiritual, mental,
financial, etc. Only Islam provides us with a clear life goal and purpose.
And only Islam shows us the proper way to live in and contribute to a
community. Islam is what everyone needs, and what so many who have not found
it yet, are searching for. It is the path to purpose, meaning, health and
happiness. This is because it is the straight path to the source of truth
and real power – Allah.
It was only until I actually became Muslim that I realized just how
encompassing the Islamic lifestyle is. Literally everything we do has one
underlying purpose – to remember Allah. The lifestyle provides us with the
way – not just the understanding – but an actual method of constantly
remembering our Creator in as simple an act as greeting someone, or getting
dressed in the morning, or waking up from sleep. Islam shows us that by
remembering Allah, everything we do becomes focused on Him, and thus becomes
an act of worship. From this, our energy, our thoughts, and our actions all
become redirected away from unhealthy and useless causes, and focused on the
source of all goodness. Thus, we are continuously tapping into His divine
strength, mercy and grace. So, by remembering Allah constantly, we become
stronger and healthier in every aspect of our lives and not distracted by
self-defeating thoughts and behaviors.
There still remain some minor aspects of Islam that have proven to be
somewhat difficult adjustments for me. Nevertheless, I thank Allah everyday
for the ease to which he has allowed me to make the necessary changes in my
life so that I can continue to live in America and still be, Insha-Allah, a
good Muslim. As a white, middle-class American, many cultural aspects of
Islam are quite different from the way in which I grew up. In fact, when I
finally broke the news to my family that I had become Muslim, almost all of
their questions and concerns were related to cultural differences –
marriage, social life, family, etc. They were much less concerned about my
general beliefs about God and religious practice. For my family, friends,
and co-workers, becoming Muslim was not seen necessarily as a negative
change, but it has required a great deal of education about Islam.
Because acquiring knowledge is a critical component to a Muslim’s
development, having a teacher who has taught me how to apply Islam in
everyday life has made all the difference in managing whatever difficulties
I have experienced from my reversion. Having someone knowledgeable you can
turn to whenever you have questions is a wonderful support that every new
shahadda should go out of their way to find. Islam is not a religion that
can be rationalized, in the way that Christianity and Judaism are. It is a
clear path that must be followed just as Allah has laid out for us through
the Qur’an and the lives of our beloved Prophet Muhammad (SAW), his
companions, and the saints of Islam.
In this day and age, in this society, discerning the path can often be
difficult, especially when we are constantly faced with questions and doubts
from people who on the surface may not be hostile to Islam, but whose
general lack of faith can have a harmful effect on someone who bases
everything they do on their love for Allah. It is also not easy being in an
environment where we are constantly bombarded with sensual temptations that
are seen as ordinary, common aspects of everyday life. But when we have the
support of a knowledgeable, experienced teacher, who is able to apply the
universal teachings of Islam to his life, then the truth becomes clear from
error, exactly how Allah (SWT) describes in the Qur’an. From this, we are
able to understand how to apply Islam correctly to our own lives, and
Insha-Allah receive Allah’s many blessings. The ultimate test, however, of
anyone who claims to have true and right knowledge, is to look at how they
apply it in their own lives. If their actions support their teachings, then
and only then should we look to them for guidance.
My journey to Islam has been a life-altering experience. It is one that with
every passing day, makes me more and more appreciative and thankful to
Almighty Allah. The extent of His mercy can only fully be understood from
the perspective of a Muslim – one who prostrates regularly and submits their
will to that of the Creator.
I look back at my life prior to Islam and reflect on the different ways I
sought guidance. I think back to all the different ideas I once had of who
God really is, and how we can become close to Him. I look back now with a
smile and perhaps even a tear because now I know the truth. Through Islam, I
know why so many people who do not believe have so much fear inside them.
Life can be very scary without God. I know, because I once harbored that
same level of fear. Now, however, I have the ultimate “self-help” program.
It’s the self-help program without the self. It’s the path that puts
everything is in its proper place. Now, life makes sense. Now, life is
order. Now, I know why I am here, where I want to go, what I want my life to
be, how I want to live, and what is most important not just to me, but to
everyone. I only hope and pray that others who have not found the path yet,
can feel the same that I do. Ya arhama rahimeen wal hamdulillahi rabbil
aylameen……
Pencak Silat as Humanistic Discipline
Pencak Silat as Humanistic Discipline
Rapid Journal Vol 5, No. 2 (Book 16, 2000: 35 – 37)
© O'ong Maryono
www.kpsnusantara.com
Changes in the function of pencak silat came about in line with the gradual transformation of it surrounding society, and was initiated in the two key loci (locations) of silat study: the keraton (royal palace) and the mandala. As explained in the previous article, initially in the keraton the art of pen-cak silat self-defence was exclusively for members of the royal family to prepare themselves as defenders of the empire. However, with the changes in the role of the kera-ton due to the decline of the Maja-pahit Empire, pencak silat was enriched by a new concept which explicitly linked technical expertise in self-defence with humanistic growth in one comprehensive cosmology.
Pencak silat could no longer be characterised as a vocation, or a mere skill, but focused instead on moulding individual, human qualities. During this transition, the spiritual aspect that had always been implicit in pencak silat, came to the forefront and ultimately dominated the self-defence aspect. In the Javanese keraton for instance, the connection between pen-cak si-lat and the cosmological concept of manunggaling kawula Gusti (the unity of humanity and God) developed systematically. Spiritual study to acquire supernatural powers from objects, mantras, and even individual inner power was undertaken and developed, although the goal of this underwent a significant transformation. Although it was still utilised for practical purposes to enhance physical skills in battle, the spiritual aspect began to be emphasised as a means for humans to unite themselves with God. As a result, the appreciation Javanese felt towards the pesilat (pencak silat practitioner) also changed, as the consensus arose that not only should they have expertise in facing the enemy, but also a level-headedness and ability to actualise the principals of harmony and etiquette according to ancestral values. A pesilat -moreover a master- must safeguard, preserve and defend the basic cultural values of perseverance, patience, honesty, heroism, obedience and devotion, and provide a model to the population for what may and may not be done. Besides mastering its techniques and physical skills, a pesilat is also expected to develop one's "inner self", a process which involves learning about strengthening one's soul, the faithfulness of one's heart and controlling one's emotions.
Since this time, pencak silat started to be seen as a form of humanistic endeavor. It requires that any practitioner of pencak silat has a strong sense of humanity, honesty and goodness, and will not be led astray by feelings of self importance, but will, instead, be sensitive to the suffering of others, striving to alleviate it. This element of emotions' control is also symbolized in many of the movements. Thus, for instance, blocking with the hand in front of the face symbolizes the resisting of negative influences as seen by the eyes, heard by the ears or spoken by mouth. Certain hand movements in front of the chest signify that one is patient, calm and able to maintain one's sense of balance (or, in Javanese: tepa selira). Only when one has mastered all these elements, is able to apply them and put them into practice can a practitioner of pencak silat be called a true 'master'.
Lets me expand a little bit on this. According to our elders, training pencak silat is like opening a coconut. First, you must learn to open the skin, then proceed to open the coconut fiber, then again the coconut shell and finally open the coconut to be able to drink the coconut milk. This is a metaphor for pencak silat: If you can attain the first level (open the skin) you will be able to practice pencak silat self-defense and sport (beladiri dan olahraga). If you can attain the second level (open the coconut fiber), you will be able to master pencak silat art (seni) and reach inner calm/tranquillity. If you can attain the third level (open the coconut shell) you will start to understand the spiritual aspect (bathin) of pencak silat through meditation and introspection. Finally, if you attain the fourth and last level (open the coconut) you will become one with God (manunggaling kawula Gusti).
Back to our historical account, in its new form as a humanistic teaching, pencak silat no longer needed to be concealed from other keraton workers. Although it had yet to extend to the general public, pen-cak silat skills of self-defence along with their spiritual aspects began to be taught at the keraton to abdi dalem (domestic servants) and kawula (those who follow orders) according to their respective position within the hierarchy. (Can-dra Gautama 1995:70).
The resoluteness of the spiritual aspect of pencak silat, along with its extension outside the circle of nobility, was also influenced by the spread of Islam within the islands of the archipelago by Muslim traders from Gujarat, Arabia and, perhaps, from China. These people inhabited coastal regions and lived alongside Hindus, Buddhists and animists. Initially, areas affected were in the north of Sumatra, which during the XIII century consisted of kingdoms Islamic in nature, such as Samudra and Pasai. From there, the Arab culture and the religion of Islam spread far and wide on the island of Sumatra and helped to mould the local society's way of thinking thanks to the devotees who broadcast Islam in a number of ways at that time. Among others, they fostered public interest by providing lessons in self-defence and kanuragan. The people of Minangkabau still remember that Paninjau Jantan and Betina silat were brought to Padang Pa-riaman by an ulama from Aceh, Syech Burhanuddin, who brought Islam to the area in the middle of the XV century. He used the art of silat of Syech Abdul Rauf, as an instrument to promote Islam by pointing out its many advantages. Due to his spirit of devotion, Syech Burhanuddin was sanctified by the people, and was even buried in Ulakan Pa-riaman, which is still visited by many pilgrims today. (Sartuni Nutir 1976:18-19).
Thus, pencak silat played a role within the process of the Is-lamization on the island of Java. This development occurred only with the fall of the Majapahit Empire, and the rise of the Demak empire on the north coast of Java in the XV century, which was followed by the rise of the Muslim Mataram empire in the inland region of south Central Java in the XVI century. Religious leaders or great holy men were the first carriers and disseminators of Islamic religion. The Chronicle of Java and the Chronicle of Pasundan, as well as oral accounts among common people, tell of nine religious leaders who purportedly possessed great martial skills and supernatural powers. These were Sunan Ampel, Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Giri, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Ka-lijaga, Sunan Kudus, Sunan Muria and Sunan Gunung Jati or Faletehan. They pioneered Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) in Java by perpetuating the mandala tradition of preceding religions. (Kafanjani 199?:14-16).
These Islamic educational centres were usually erected on vacant, no-man's land far from the bustle of the world, to ensure scholars and students peace and quiet in their pursuit of spiritual knowledge. According to French historian, De-nys Lombard (1996(2):131), the founders of these past Islamic schools were 'pioneers'. They 'accessed the jungles in the outer edges of an inhabited world, Islamisized the local non-believers, managed newly cleared settlements [and] created... a peaceful safe-haven that was self-supporting and formed a micro-cosmos'. The success of these pioneers was due to their bravery and faith supported by great skill in the art of self-defence. Through their proficiency in pencak silat, they were able to reside in remote areas that were less than safe, and were able to withstand both natural menaces and human interference.
As well as being thought as a defence tool, at these Islamic schools, pencak si-lat was an integral part of religious teachings. Within an educational process that demands its pupils' subservience to Almighty God, the art of pencak silat was combined with a spiritual strength which came from and was sought from professions of faith in the Koran, a tradition still in existence to this day. In particular, pencak silat is used for 'amar ma'ruf nahi mungkar' which means 'inviting someone on the path of the righteous and preventing them from straying'. According to this concept, Muslims who are strong both physically and spiritually are loved more by Allah than Muslims who are weak, as quoted in Hadis: Al mu'minul qawiyyu ahabba ilallahi minal mu'mi-nidh dhaifi (Hadis Ri-wayat).
In the beginning, pencak silat was taught in the Islamic schools by a group of noblemen, who adhered to Islamic teachings. But gradually they too lost their hold over pen-cak silat, because their students came from a number of socio-economic classes. This process of popularisation started after trainee preachers completed their education and began preaching throughout the archipelago. Along with Islam, pen-cak silat spread throughout society.
In addition to preachers, traders also played a role in the spread of Islam and in the geographical expansion of pen-cak silat. This is also emphasised in a legend on the origins of pencak silat in Dombu and Bima. It is said that pencak silat was brought by two Arab traders named Huma and Banta who brought Islam to these two areas. Prior to this, they lived in a several different regions of the archipelago, including Makassar. From that city, Huma and Ban-ta brought the Bugis pencak silat style, akmencak, a name which the local people changed to mpaa Sila (Department of Education and Culture 1982:223).
The influence of Islam on the expansion of pencak silat was not limited to scope, but is also evident in its artistic aspects. With the emergence of Islamic- flavoured traditions and ceremonies, alongside ancestral ones, pen-cak silat as an art was augmented in a variety of ways. In particular, pencak silat as an art acquired an important role in circumcision ceremonies in a number of regions across Indonesia, including West Java.
At circumcision parties in the past, frequently there was beat of the penca drum, accompanying the siram kembang (flower bath). The male child to be circumcised was escorted by the beat of the penca drum to the river to be bathed before the circumcision. Only after the circumcision came the first vows. The dancing pencak silat movements were in rhythm with the one-two of the drum.... The pencak silat performance could be in the morning, or at night; after Isa' prayers until around midnight. At the party old, young, men, women, grandfathers, grandmothers, all wanted to join in the silat festivities. All would dance the movements of pencak silat for hours. To the point where many were queuing up... (Saleh 1989:3)
In short, it can be said that the spread of Islam in the islands of the archipelago helped boost the expansion of pen-cak silat. Nevertheless, the growth of pencak silat was still limited and only began to be systematically perpetuated with the emergence of formal pencak silat training schools (perguruan), in addition to the keraton and Islamic schools, during the period of Dutch colonisation in our archipelago, as we will see in the next article.
Reference:
1. Chandra Gautama, Mencari "Keindahan" Tenaga Dalam. Matra, Jakarta: 1995.
2. Dennis Lombard, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya; Batas-batas Pembaratan. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Part I, 1996.
3. Depdikbud, Permainan Rakyat Daerah Nusa Tenggara Barat, Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dukumentasi Kebudayaan Daerah, Jakarta, 1982.
4. Kafanjani, Menyingkap kisah Keteladanan Perjuangan Wali Songo, Surabaya: Anugerah, 199?
5. Saleh, Riwayat Himpunan Pencak Silat Panglipur. Unpublished paper, 1989.
6. Sartuni Nutir, Hasil penelitian Olahraga Tradisional (Pencak Silat) Sumatera Barat . Research report Sekolah Tinggi Olahraga, Padang: 1976
Rapid Journal Vol 5, No. 2 (Book 16, 2000: 35 – 37)
© O'ong Maryono
www.kpsnusantara.com
Changes in the function of pencak silat came about in line with the gradual transformation of it surrounding society, and was initiated in the two key loci (locations) of silat study: the keraton (royal palace) and the mandala. As explained in the previous article, initially in the keraton the art of pen-cak silat self-defence was exclusively for members of the royal family to prepare themselves as defenders of the empire. However, with the changes in the role of the kera-ton due to the decline of the Maja-pahit Empire, pencak silat was enriched by a new concept which explicitly linked technical expertise in self-defence with humanistic growth in one comprehensive cosmology.
Pencak silat could no longer be characterised as a vocation, or a mere skill, but focused instead on moulding individual, human qualities. During this transition, the spiritual aspect that had always been implicit in pencak silat, came to the forefront and ultimately dominated the self-defence aspect. In the Javanese keraton for instance, the connection between pen-cak si-lat and the cosmological concept of manunggaling kawula Gusti (the unity of humanity and God) developed systematically. Spiritual study to acquire supernatural powers from objects, mantras, and even individual inner power was undertaken and developed, although the goal of this underwent a significant transformation. Although it was still utilised for practical purposes to enhance physical skills in battle, the spiritual aspect began to be emphasised as a means for humans to unite themselves with God. As a result, the appreciation Javanese felt towards the pesilat (pencak silat practitioner) also changed, as the consensus arose that not only should they have expertise in facing the enemy, but also a level-headedness and ability to actualise the principals of harmony and etiquette according to ancestral values. A pesilat -moreover a master- must safeguard, preserve and defend the basic cultural values of perseverance, patience, honesty, heroism, obedience and devotion, and provide a model to the population for what may and may not be done. Besides mastering its techniques and physical skills, a pesilat is also expected to develop one's "inner self", a process which involves learning about strengthening one's soul, the faithfulness of one's heart and controlling one's emotions.
Since this time, pencak silat started to be seen as a form of humanistic endeavor. It requires that any practitioner of pencak silat has a strong sense of humanity, honesty and goodness, and will not be led astray by feelings of self importance, but will, instead, be sensitive to the suffering of others, striving to alleviate it. This element of emotions' control is also symbolized in many of the movements. Thus, for instance, blocking with the hand in front of the face symbolizes the resisting of negative influences as seen by the eyes, heard by the ears or spoken by mouth. Certain hand movements in front of the chest signify that one is patient, calm and able to maintain one's sense of balance (or, in Javanese: tepa selira). Only when one has mastered all these elements, is able to apply them and put them into practice can a practitioner of pencak silat be called a true 'master'.
Lets me expand a little bit on this. According to our elders, training pencak silat is like opening a coconut. First, you must learn to open the skin, then proceed to open the coconut fiber, then again the coconut shell and finally open the coconut to be able to drink the coconut milk. This is a metaphor for pencak silat: If you can attain the first level (open the skin) you will be able to practice pencak silat self-defense and sport (beladiri dan olahraga). If you can attain the second level (open the coconut fiber), you will be able to master pencak silat art (seni) and reach inner calm/tranquillity. If you can attain the third level (open the coconut shell) you will start to understand the spiritual aspect (bathin) of pencak silat through meditation and introspection. Finally, if you attain the fourth and last level (open the coconut) you will become one with God (manunggaling kawula Gusti).
Back to our historical account, in its new form as a humanistic teaching, pencak silat no longer needed to be concealed from other keraton workers. Although it had yet to extend to the general public, pen-cak silat skills of self-defence along with their spiritual aspects began to be taught at the keraton to abdi dalem (domestic servants) and kawula (those who follow orders) according to their respective position within the hierarchy. (Can-dra Gautama 1995:70).
The resoluteness of the spiritual aspect of pencak silat, along with its extension outside the circle of nobility, was also influenced by the spread of Islam within the islands of the archipelago by Muslim traders from Gujarat, Arabia and, perhaps, from China. These people inhabited coastal regions and lived alongside Hindus, Buddhists and animists. Initially, areas affected were in the north of Sumatra, which during the XIII century consisted of kingdoms Islamic in nature, such as Samudra and Pasai. From there, the Arab culture and the religion of Islam spread far and wide on the island of Sumatra and helped to mould the local society's way of thinking thanks to the devotees who broadcast Islam in a number of ways at that time. Among others, they fostered public interest by providing lessons in self-defence and kanuragan. The people of Minangkabau still remember that Paninjau Jantan and Betina silat were brought to Padang Pa-riaman by an ulama from Aceh, Syech Burhanuddin, who brought Islam to the area in the middle of the XV century. He used the art of silat of Syech Abdul Rauf, as an instrument to promote Islam by pointing out its many advantages. Due to his spirit of devotion, Syech Burhanuddin was sanctified by the people, and was even buried in Ulakan Pa-riaman, which is still visited by many pilgrims today. (Sartuni Nutir 1976:18-19).
Thus, pencak silat played a role within the process of the Is-lamization on the island of Java. This development occurred only with the fall of the Majapahit Empire, and the rise of the Demak empire on the north coast of Java in the XV century, which was followed by the rise of the Muslim Mataram empire in the inland region of south Central Java in the XVI century. Religious leaders or great holy men were the first carriers and disseminators of Islamic religion. The Chronicle of Java and the Chronicle of Pasundan, as well as oral accounts among common people, tell of nine religious leaders who purportedly possessed great martial skills and supernatural powers. These were Sunan Ampel, Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Giri, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Ka-lijaga, Sunan Kudus, Sunan Muria and Sunan Gunung Jati or Faletehan. They pioneered Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) in Java by perpetuating the mandala tradition of preceding religions. (Kafanjani 199?:14-16).
These Islamic educational centres were usually erected on vacant, no-man's land far from the bustle of the world, to ensure scholars and students peace and quiet in their pursuit of spiritual knowledge. According to French historian, De-nys Lombard (1996(2):131), the founders of these past Islamic schools were 'pioneers'. They 'accessed the jungles in the outer edges of an inhabited world, Islamisized the local non-believers, managed newly cleared settlements [and] created... a peaceful safe-haven that was self-supporting and formed a micro-cosmos'. The success of these pioneers was due to their bravery and faith supported by great skill in the art of self-defence. Through their proficiency in pencak silat, they were able to reside in remote areas that were less than safe, and were able to withstand both natural menaces and human interference.
As well as being thought as a defence tool, at these Islamic schools, pencak si-lat was an integral part of religious teachings. Within an educational process that demands its pupils' subservience to Almighty God, the art of pencak silat was combined with a spiritual strength which came from and was sought from professions of faith in the Koran, a tradition still in existence to this day. In particular, pencak silat is used for 'amar ma'ruf nahi mungkar' which means 'inviting someone on the path of the righteous and preventing them from straying'. According to this concept, Muslims who are strong both physically and spiritually are loved more by Allah than Muslims who are weak, as quoted in Hadis: Al mu'minul qawiyyu ahabba ilallahi minal mu'mi-nidh dhaifi (Hadis Ri-wayat).
In the beginning, pencak silat was taught in the Islamic schools by a group of noblemen, who adhered to Islamic teachings. But gradually they too lost their hold over pen-cak silat, because their students came from a number of socio-economic classes. This process of popularisation started after trainee preachers completed their education and began preaching throughout the archipelago. Along with Islam, pen-cak silat spread throughout society.
In addition to preachers, traders also played a role in the spread of Islam and in the geographical expansion of pen-cak silat. This is also emphasised in a legend on the origins of pencak silat in Dombu and Bima. It is said that pencak silat was brought by two Arab traders named Huma and Banta who brought Islam to these two areas. Prior to this, they lived in a several different regions of the archipelago, including Makassar. From that city, Huma and Ban-ta brought the Bugis pencak silat style, akmencak, a name which the local people changed to mpaa Sila (Department of Education and Culture 1982:223).
The influence of Islam on the expansion of pencak silat was not limited to scope, but is also evident in its artistic aspects. With the emergence of Islamic- flavoured traditions and ceremonies, alongside ancestral ones, pen-cak silat as an art was augmented in a variety of ways. In particular, pencak silat as an art acquired an important role in circumcision ceremonies in a number of regions across Indonesia, including West Java.
At circumcision parties in the past, frequently there was beat of the penca drum, accompanying the siram kembang (flower bath). The male child to be circumcised was escorted by the beat of the penca drum to the river to be bathed before the circumcision. Only after the circumcision came the first vows. The dancing pencak silat movements were in rhythm with the one-two of the drum.... The pencak silat performance could be in the morning, or at night; after Isa' prayers until around midnight. At the party old, young, men, women, grandfathers, grandmothers, all wanted to join in the silat festivities. All would dance the movements of pencak silat for hours. To the point where many were queuing up... (Saleh 1989:3)
In short, it can be said that the spread of Islam in the islands of the archipelago helped boost the expansion of pen-cak silat. Nevertheless, the growth of pencak silat was still limited and only began to be systematically perpetuated with the emergence of formal pencak silat training schools (perguruan), in addition to the keraton and Islamic schools, during the period of Dutch colonisation in our archipelago, as we will see in the next article.
Reference:
1. Chandra Gautama, Mencari "Keindahan" Tenaga Dalam. Matra, Jakarta: 1995.
2. Dennis Lombard, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya; Batas-batas Pembaratan. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Part I, 1996.
3. Depdikbud, Permainan Rakyat Daerah Nusa Tenggara Barat, Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dukumentasi Kebudayaan Daerah, Jakarta, 1982.
4. Kafanjani, Menyingkap kisah Keteladanan Perjuangan Wali Songo, Surabaya: Anugerah, 199?
5. Saleh, Riwayat Himpunan Pencak Silat Panglipur. Unpublished paper, 1989.
6. Sartuni Nutir, Hasil penelitian Olahraga Tradisional (Pencak Silat) Sumatera Barat . Research report Sekolah Tinggi Olahraga, Padang: 1976
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