Tuesday, June 15, 2010

Silat Use of Weapons by MARdb.com

Of course, the classical study of Pentjak Silat demands that the trainee learn to wield the traditional weapons such as the knife, the stick, the staff, the tjabang (branch), the short sword, and the sarong (cloth) or rope.

As Draeger notes, “No Pentjak Silat system is combatively idealistic, so foolish, or so naïve as to require this exclusive use of empty hand tactics for solving all combative situations.” The use of these weapons and objects are based on the same technical rationale as the empty hand curriculum of djurus (hand movement) and Langkahs (footwork).

In this way, objects from his daily surroundings such as pens, combs, drinking receptacles, shoes, belts and eating utensils, even a salt shaker can be brought into play to enhance a particular technique.

In self-defense Silat, the environment is to be used when possible if time permits, because the assailant, even if empty-handed may be concealing a weapon of his own. His moves must be treated extra carefully.

With this unifying, coherent system firmly planted in place in the trainee’s mind, he can substitute and transfer the use of weapons to the techniques he already knows empty-handed. His skill is already built in from his empty hand training. This is unlike Filipino methods that teach weapons use first and empty hand derivations second.

The unifying principles of Silat are used to help the trainee fight his fight without being confused about what he should do next.

These unifying principles are based on the physics of efficiency of technique and economy of motion, and are kept as secrets of the systems. The unifying principles help the trainee to understand the endless variations of empty hand techniques. There are so many in fact that it is impossible to name them all.

They all stem from the root techniques of the empty hand curriculum and are recognized by “insiders” as such. Silat practitioners make use of all parts of the body for locking, joint breaking or as striking weapons. Substituting a shoulder for an elbow, for example, one can produce the same joint / lock conceptually.

The various hand formations similar to the crane beak, tiger claw, eagle claw, panther fist, like those used in Kung Fu can be adapted in the moment, to the various techniques.

The trainee, at some point in his study designated by the master, learns the vulnerable points of the body to be exploited with the techniques he has already learned. Often times it is a matter of reviewing the techniques already known and adding this knowledge as a finishing touch.

Like a road map, the routes are already known and in place, the teacher just makes the student aware of a few more stops and points can be hit, pinched, torn or squeezed and add a rich dimension to the techniques already mastered by the practitioner. They are especially useful against larger assailants who need prodding and convincing in order to make a technique work or escaping holds and locks that the practitioner has somehow found himself caught in.

Silat Bela Diri (Self Defense) by MARdb.com

Self Defense Verses Sport and The Old verses the New

There is a movement today where the various governments in Southeast Asia are trying to organize Pentjak Silat on national and regional levels as a sport; with competitions, tournaments and in the educational system with various standards in order to collectively regulate the great diversity of styles. However, according to the traditionalists, the goal of Pentjak Silat is always self-defense and not physical education or sport.

The development and transition of Silat, an art designed for self-defense to one for sporting and physical education applications is a favorite subject among the old veterans and masters of Silat. Many of these masters refuse to participate in the “modernizing” of their art, preferring to stay to themselves teaching in small groups in the traditional manner.

They feel that if Silat is developed as a sport, its combative vitality and values will be compromised and eventually weaken the effectiveness of it as a fighting art.

This view certainly has merit. With these combative aspects watering away, certain protective techniques deemed vital such as guarding the groin, throat, eyes, and joints are eliminated and considered unnecessary to practice, as the rules of the sport do not permit an attack to those targets.

How you practice is how you will fight. Old style Silat develops reflex habits that allow the practitioner to automatically counterattack to the assailant’s vital areas while remaining keenly aware of his own vulnerability.

In sport Silat, this awareness is lost, resulting on a dangerous dependency of a deficient fighting art no longer designed for real self-defense.

The traditionalists also believe that sport Silat will be influenced by tournament success. Schools will develop and train with the objective of winning these tournaments and a “tournament style” of Silat will result, with special techniques designed only for the objective of winning according to the rules. These new creations have nothing to do with real self-defense.

Sportive combat also presents another problem of values. Traditional Silat is mostly defensive in attitude and physical expression. Rarely will the Silat man attack first. The practitioner prefers to wait for the attack before he moves into action. The values of sport are different because the student is training to attack to score points, so he develops the attitude of attack and not the attitude of counterattack from defensive posturing. Training to be a sportsman, develops sportsman-like thinking such as “fair play,” and the “you can’t win ‘em all” idea of being a “good sport about losing.” A Silat man has everything to lose because his personal safety, maybe even his life are on the line. He cannot be a good loser.

The values of the old fashioned Silat is about protecting your life at all costs, doing whatever is necessary to survive because the only reason you are fighting is to protect your life or the lives of your loved ones. This is why the student is taught to think of his training partner as an “assailant” attempting to take his life. If the student were to think of the assailant as an opponent, then it would negate the meaning of the art, the spirit of combat of actual fighting. In Pentjak Silat training, students are taught to also consider the climate, clothing being worn, time of day and night and the terrain, upon which they are fighting. These all combine to determine the tactics used and the emotional atmosphere of the fight.

The emphasis in physical education and sport on aesthetics and not function is also why in the newer sport versions of Silat, there is an increasing amount of “showmanship” and gymnastics. What looks flashy and pleasing to the eye may or may not have anything to do with combative function. These useless moves added for entertainment value eat away into the fabric of combative Pentjak Silat and begin weakening its structure much like termites over time eating away at the frame of the house. The old folks believe that the practice of traditional Pentjak Silat has all the personal skill and artistry needed without having to weaken it by making it into a sport or an exhibition art.

What is Silat by Cass Magda

The world’s largest archipelago stretches like a huge scimitar from Malaysia to New G uinea comprised of more than 13,000 islands and is home to a deadly fighting art known as “Silat”, or “Pentjak Silat.”

In Malaysia, there are approximately 500 styles. In Indonesia there are perhaps 200 styles with many styles preferring not to be recognized by their respective governments. Accordingly, there may be an incalculable number of styles being practiced today. Archaeological evidence reveals that by the sixth century A.D. formalized combative systems were being practiced in the area of Sumatra and the Malay peninsula.

Two kingdoms, the Srivijaya in Sumatra from the 7th to the 14th century and the Majapahit in Java from the 13th to 16th centuries made good use of these fighting skills and were able to extend their rule across much of what is now Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. The Dutch arrived in the seventeenth century and controlled the spice trade up until the early 20th century, with brief periods of the English and Portuguese attempting unsuccessfully to gain a lasting foothold in Indonesia. During this period of Dutch rule. “Silat,” or “Pentjak Silat” (as it is known in Indonesia today) was practiced undergound until the country gained its independence in 1949.

With the crisscrossing of wars, trade and immigration of various cultures across this region since the 6th century, the effect on present day Pentjak Silat is evident. These influences can be seen such as Nepalese music, Hindu weapons such as the trisula [forked truncheon], Indian grappling styles, Siamese costumes, Arabian weapons Chinese weapons and fighting methods. Pentjak Silat still plays an important role in the lives of thousands of people across the Malay world with the rural village dwellers practicing and making it part of their daily routines.

The word “Pentjak” means; the body movements used in the training method and the word “Silat” means; the application of those movements or the actual “fight.” Each style of Pentjak Silat has its own formal curriculum, history and traditions, some shrouded in secrecy and some open to the public. “Silat Pulut” is a method that is openly displayed to the public, seen at public ceremonies such as weddings. “Pulut” means glutinous rice, the sticky kind often eaten at Malay parties and wedding receptions. Thus, this “Rice Cake Silat” is characterized by flashy, aesthetically beautiful moves that have very little to do with real self-defense.

Silat Buah is rarely shown in public. Buah means “fruit,” implying that part of Silat which is useful. It is the applications or techniques for self-defense. Many systems inter-relate, function and integrate as a whole. Every move, physical or mental is consistent with a certain belief system and fighting rationale, making it a devastating self-defense system.

There is no overall standard for Pentjak Silat. Each style has its own particular movement patterns, specially designed techniques and tactical rationale. However, although all styles use hand and foot motions, the percentage of use of either one depends on the style and the tactics being used. A quite remarkable tactic is the one used by the Harimau style from Sumatra. In this method, the practitioner’s movement pattern resembles the antics of a tiger (the name of Harimau), with heavy emphasis on staying close to the ground using crouching, lying, sitting and semi-squat positions. The leg strength and flexibility required is impressive and the Harimau stylist can use his hands like extra feet or his feet like extra hands. He can start the fight from the ground position or will invite his opponent into a trap then take him to the ground. Other types of Sumatran Silat are Menangkabau, Podang, Sterlak, Lintau and Kumango. On the other hand, many Javanese styles use a percentage weighting that is more balanced between hand and legwork. Many Javanese styles require the practitioner to move in close against the enemy in an upright position, then use various hand and foot moves to express the techniques. Styles such as Tjimande Serak, Tjikalong and Tjigrik, all demonstrate this fact.

The names of style can be traced to many diverse origins. Styles are named after a geographical area, city or district, after an animal, after a spiritual or combative principle, after a person, or after a physical action. For example, there is a style called “Undukaym Silat” which takes its name after the footwork actions that mimic those of a hen scratching the ground. Seitia Hati meaning “faithful heart” is named to represent a spiritual principle. Mustika Kwitang is named after the Kwitang district in the city of Jakarta. Serak is named after the person who founded the style. Menangkebau Silat is named after an ethnic group, the Menankabau people. Sterlak Silat is name after a quality and means “to attack with strength.” The variety and diverseness of names is not limited to any one style.

Finding good teachers that can pass on the knowledge is not easy. Traditional Pentjak Silat is highly clandestine and secretive. Teachers never compete for students and usually keep to themselves with their small groups. To find a Silat master is usually always by introduction through a family member or friend. The acceptance process is often very selective and the probation period is strict. Each teacher has his own particular criteria he uses to evaluate a prospective student that is often based on the studentís character; specifically his temperament and judgment, his demeanor (his outward behavior, his manner towards others) and his morality and ethics. The student’s willingness to learn is also of great importance because the training will be severe. In many styles, the student, once accepted is required to take an oath to the style.

The probation period serves as a screening time so that the teacher may directly observe the behavior of the student and draw a conclusion of his sincerity. The instruction is almost always one on one, supervised directly by the master, so that the ability and morality of the student can be distinguished clearly. The teacher will reject anyone whose attitude or personality is deemed as unworthy. Discipline is harsh and violations often result in dismissal of the student. Learning the “old way” is not an easy thing to do and consequently the number of people practicing is very small. It is not meant to be open for everyone. Such a relationship and training regime is regarded as sanctified and is taken with the utmost seriousness by all involved. ~ By Cass Magda

Pentjak Silat from MARdb.com

Penchak Silat or Silat (“fighting by using techniques of self-defense”) is a Southeast Asian martial art with roots in the culture of the Malay World. This art is widely known in Indonesia but can also be found in varying degrees among the Malay-affiliated communities in Thailand and Cambodia.

The art has also reached Europe, and is especially popular in the Netherlands, where it was as popular as karate is in the United States. It is estimated that there are hundreds of aliran (styles) and thousands of schools. Many of the aliran find their origin in the observation of wild animals in combat. “Harimau” (Tiger) and “Elang” (Eagle) are some examples.

The world’s largest archipelago stretches like a huge scimitar from Malaysia to New G uinea comprised of more than 13,000 islands and is home to a deadly fighting art known as “Silat”, or “Pentjak Silat.”

In Malaysia, there are approximately 500 styles. In Indonesia there are perhaps 200 styles with many styles preferring not to be recognized by their respective governments. Accordingly, there may be an incalculable number of styles being practiced today.

The word “Pentjak” means; the body movements used in the training method and the word “Silat” means; the application of those movements or the actual “fight.”

Each style of Pentjak Silat has its own formal curriculum, history and traditions, some shrouded in secrecy and some open to the public. “Silat Pulut” is a method that is openly displayed to the public, seen at public ceremonies such as weddings. “Pulut” means glutinous rice, the sticky kind often eaten at Malay parties and wedding receptions.

Thus, this “Rice Cake Silat” is characterized by flashy, aesthetically beautiful moves that have very little to do with real self-defense. Silat Buah is rarely shown in public. Buah means “fruit,” implying that part of Silat which is useful.

It is the applications or techniques for self-defense. Many systems inter-relate, function and integrate as a whole. Every move, physical or mental is consistent with a certain belief system and fighting rationale, making it a devastating self-defense system.

There is no overall standard for Pentjak Silat. Each style has its own particular movement patterns, specially designed techniques and tactical rationale. However, although all styles use hand and foot motions, the percentage of use of either one depends on the style and the tactics being used.

A quite remarkable tactic is the one used by the Harimau style from Sumatra. In this method, the practitioner’s movement pattern resembles the antics of a tiger (the name of Harimau), with heavy emphasis on staying close to the ground using crouching, lying, sitting and semi-squat positions.

The leg strength and flexibility required is impressive and the Harimau stylist can use his hands like extra feet or his feet like extra hands. He can start the fight from the ground position or will invite his opponent into a trap then take him to the ground. Other types of Sumatran Silat are Menangkabau, Podang, Sterlak, Lintau and Kumango.

On the other hand, many Javanese styles use a percentage weighting that is more balanced between hand and legwork. Many Javanese styles require the practitioner to move in close against the enemy in an upright position, then use various hand and foot moves to express the techniques. Styles such as Tjimande Serak, Tjikalong and Tjigrik, all demonstrate this fact.

The names of style can be traced to many diverse origins. Styles are named after a geographical area, city or district, after an animal, after a spiritual or combative principle, after a person, or after a physical action. For example, there is a style called “Undukaym Silat” which takes its name after the footwork actions that mimic those of a hen scratching the ground.

Seitia Hati meaning “faithful heart” is named to represent a spiritual principle. Mustika Kwitang is named after the Kwitang district in the city of Jakarta. Serak is named after the person who founded the style. Menangkebau Silat is named after an ethnic group, the Menankabau people. Sterlak Silat is name after a quality and means “to attack with strength.” The variety and diverseness of names is not limited to any one style.

Finding good teachers that can pass on the knowledge is not easy. Traditional Pentjak Silat is highly clandestine and secretive. Teachers never compete for students and usually keep to themselves with their small groups. To find a Silat master is usually always by introduction through a family member or friend.

The acceptance process is often very selective and the probation period is strict. Each teacher has his own particular criteria he uses to evaluate a prospective student that is often based on the studentís character; specifically his temperament and judgment, his demeanor (his outward behavior, his manner towards others) and his morality and ethics. The student’s willingness to learn is also of great importance because the training will be severe. In many styles, the student, once accepted is required to take an oath to the style.

PERSILAT (Persekutuan Pencak Silat Antarabangsa, the International Pencak Silat Federation) is promoting pencak silat as an international competition sport. Only members recognised by PERSILAT are allowed to participate at international competitions.

At the moment some European national pencak silat federations, together with PERSILAT, have founded a European Pencak Silat Federation. In 1986, the first Pencak Silat World Championship outside of Asia took place in Vienna, Austria.

In 2002, pencak silat was introduced as part of the exhibition programme at the Asian Games in Busan Korea for the first time. However this was not a part of the official program, 2 referees from Europe (Remco Doorn and Eric Bovelander) are present on invitation by the organizing committee. This was to show the level of quality outside the Asian area, and also to show the globalisation of Pencak Silat as a sport.

Saturday, June 5, 2010

My Magickal Pencak Silat Training In Indonesia By William Sanders, Pendekar

My Magickal Pencak Silat Training In Indonesia

By William Sanders, Pendekar

When I first arrived in Indonesia in the mid 1980's to refine my Pencak Silat, I was completely unsure of what I was going to see, and be taught. At my first village I was asked to demonstrate my skills. I proceeded to do a Tari Bunga flower dance showing various Jurus and foot moves. When I was finished I was asked to watch their Pencak Silat. Much to my surprise I was shown an entire demonstration of what they referred to as spiritual Pencak Silat. I watched astounded as men, women, and children, all Cimande practitioners, demonstrated astounding feats of Pencak Silat showing the inner power of Tenaga Dalam. When they were finished I was told that in order to really practice Pencak Silat I had to have training in the spiritual side. I was told the physical aspect, compared to the spiritual-magickal side is only ten percent.

So I spent some of my time refining the physical aspects and the balance of my time I spent with Pendekar Sartono, my magickal teacher. When I was first introduced to Pendekar Sartono I was told he was the most powerful spiritual practitioner in west Java. He talked to me about my training and while we spoke he asked me if I was thirsty. Giving me some water he asked me if I wanted to feel various powers. As explained in my book, he pushed his own Tenaga Dalam into his saliva, putting it into my water. He transferred, for a time, special abilities to me. Seeing my desire to learn he told me had to go to his special mountain for three days. He would ask his spirit familiars if he could train a white man, as he said he not seen it done before.

So for three days I returned to the village and trained in the physical aspects. When I returned I was given the good news. Not only was he told to teach me, the familiars materialized a small golden Keris for him to give to me as a symbol of Pencak Silat's magickal side and for my protection and power. So began my training.

This training was broken up in various segments. Usually I had to prepare in some manner. One common practice was to be given various jungle flowers to bathe with at midnight. Then a morning fast. Sartono, my teacher, would sometimes give me written mantras or put my hands in various mudra positions. His training was very unique. He said his job was to not only teach me externally but to give me special internal knowledge that would continue to train me when he was not with me. So my training consisted of what he personally showed me and at night he would prepare the potions I was to bathe with. Information I was unsure of, I was to then ask and an answer was given, either through immediate intuition or through the dream state. Of course I ran all of these answers by him and he would demonstrate the validity of my information. I was shown other practitioners, always performing Pencak Silat and magick together.

One day on a trip to a different area, a local Dukin (magician) found out I was learning from Sartono and he challenged my training. I was handed an amulet and was told that if my Tenaga Dalam was strong I would be unhurt. I grasped his amulet and he then proceeded to place large poisonous scorpions all over my bare arm. They twitched and moved but did not strike. I had passed his test and he gave me the amulet.

I witnessed a Pencak Silat demonstration in which a live bat exited the practitioners mouth flying directly at his opponent. Gradually my physical abilities were merged with the magickal training.

I was to return to Indonesia more times to continue my training. Finally Pendekar Sartono said he would place in me a direct line to the other side, with an inheritorship to the magick, so if I asked I would know. A large Slamatan (feast) was held and small magickally charged golden needles were implanted into my arms. My name was recorded and I was given special herbs that would cool me down after the intense effects set in. I saw people possessed by animal spirits and magick that at once separated this combat art from the sterile, robotic, posturing seen in some schools.

When I was finally tested in Banten by the old masters I was told they could "see" my magickal training. The appointment as Pendekar (spiritual priest master) could only be bestowed on someone with both the physical and magickal mastery and it was because of this I was instructed to teach and pass this art on to those who want to know. I have therefore seen it necessary to openly come forth with the Fighting Magick video tapes in order to help your inner self merge with your physical self to achieve true mastery. This tape series can promote you into the realms of inner Pencak Silat practiced in seclusion and formerly guarded by the royal courts. Very few people, in their entire life are even exposed to this knowledge. It is said that when you are ready your teacher will appear. The fact that you are reading this proves you are ready. Now it's up to you.

nation-with-endless-tyranny.blogspot.com

nation-with-endless-tyranny.blogspot.com

History of the Muslims in the Philippines
"A NATION UNDER ENDLESS TYRANNY"
2nd Edition, By Salah Jubair
CHAPTER I - ONCE UPON A TIME

Arrival of Islam

How Islam came to Mindanao and Sulu is a complex question that cannot be addressed by a single and simple answer. However, it is a fact of history that after the death of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him) in 623 AC6 , a general expansion of Islam ensued. Either through missionary efforts or from military victories, the Islamic world expanded to dominate the Middle East, North Africa, Spain, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. The spread continued towards the Sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia and then to Mindanao and Sulu.

That Islam came to the Philippine islands with trade route in a roundabout way is generally accepted by historians. It followed the route that originated from Arabia overland through Central Asia and then overseas to India, China and thence to Southeast Asia and Africa.

However, as to which single group - traders, missionaries, crusaders, etc. - was responsible for introducing Islam in Mindanao and Sulu, the issue is still debatable. Presumably, no single operational factor is to be attributed the distinction of having spread the religion to this faraway place from the cradle of Islam. Nonetheless, after considering all the various aspects of the issue, historians seem to have agreed that the coming of Islam to Mindanao and Sulu was the result of the missionary activities of Arab traders and teachers or sufis who came along the trade routes. The participation of some Muslims from the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent is also admitted.

Be that as it may, there is yet no sufficient evidence to support the contention that Islam was introduced in Mindanao and Sulu much earlier than the closing years of the fourteenth century. But there is one piece of archaeological information that may support the theory that Islam may have arrived much earlier and that was the discovery of a tombstone on the slope of Bud Datu bearing, among other entries, the year of the death of the deceased: 710 AH7, which corresponds to 1310 AC in the Gregorian calendar. The deceased was someone bearing the name of Tuhan Muqbalu or Maqbalu. The title Tuhan, said the noted Muslim scholar Cesar Adib Majul of the University of the Philippines, implied that the dead was a chief or person of high authority.'

As in the Malayan peninsula, Indonesia and Borneo, the first to become Muslims in Mindanao and Sulu were those living in or near trading posts or along the trade routes. This is why most historians, if not all, believe that the early missionaries of Islam were traders. The more likely possibility, however, is that the introduction of Islam in this part of the globe, as pointed out earlier, may have resulted from the combined efforts of traders, teachers or sufis, although the appearance of a conscious and systematic plan of carrying out that task was evidently lacking.

In Sulu, an Arab known locally as Tuan Mashaika was credited with having founded the first Muslim community. He married a local maiden and raised his children as Muslims. Later, in 1380, another Arab, Karimul Makhdum, reverently called Sharif Awliya, arrived and converted a large number of inhabitants to Islam. Makhdum was responsible for the founding of the first mosque in the Philippines at Tubig-Indangan on Simunul Island.

In 1390, Rajah Baguinda arrived and continued the works of Makhdum. By this time, a flourishing Muslim community in Sulu evolved and by the middle of the following century the Sulu sultanate was established. The first crowned sultan was Syed Abubakar, an Arab from South Arabia, who was said to be a direct descendant of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him). Upon his ascension to the throne, Abubakar used the regnal name Sharif Hashim.

In Mindanao, Sharif Muhammad Kabungsuan, also claiming to be of Hashimite descent, is credited as being mostly instrumental in the propagation of the new faith in the island. He landed first at Malabang (now in Lanao del Sur) in the year 1515 and subsequently proceeded to Cotabato, where he firmly planted the seed of the new creed. Out of his marital union with the local maidens, the Maguindanao sultanate and Buayan sultanate came into existence. Later on, succeeding sultanates, though of lesser status and power, claimed lineage from him.

But before the coming of Sharif Kabungsuan, local genealogies or tarsilas of Maguindanao speak of a certain Sharif Awliya, also from Johore, who is said to have introduced Islam to the people of Mindanao around 1460. Some writers identify him as the same Karimul Makhdum who set foot in Jolo earlier. His story, though appearing mythical, is quite consequential when related to the question of who first came to plant the seed of Islam in Mindanao. He was averred to have come to Mindanao in the air in search of "Paradise" on the hill of Tantawan (now PC Hill or Colina Hill in Cotabato City). There on the hill he met an houri (celestial maiden), married her and they begot a daughter by the name of Paramisuli, a name reserved to the royalty. Sharif Awliya, not long after, quitted the place, leaving behind his wife and daughter. The Maguindanao genealogies continue to narrate that, soon after, another Arab, Sharif Maraja, also from Johore, arrived. He landed and stayed at a settlement called Slangan or what is now in the vicinity of the Post Office in Cotabato City and, soon afterward, married Paramisuli, the daughter of Sharif Awliya.

Another tradition, this time from Lanao, speaks of another Sharif Alawi who came possibly by way of Maguindanao to Lanao and up to the mouth of Tagoloan River in the present-day Misamis Oriental and proceeded afterwards to Bukidnon. There is scanty evidence to prove this journey especially his missionary activities in Bukidnon, where there are pockets of Muslim communities found today.

Before the advent of Islam, the people of Mindanao and Sulu were animists. There was no community ever reported orally or in writing to be monotheist. They worshipped stones, stars, moons and other inanimate objects. Diwata and anito were essential features of their belief system. Conversion to Islam was generally regarded as easy and unconstrained except in some isolated cases where clashes preceded it. With a vastly superior knowledge, usually associated with "magical powers," the newcomers easily got past the local opposition. Rendering the task much easier was the Arabian blood. running in their veins which hastened rather than hindered acceptance not only by the masses of the people but even by the old ruling classes. And with Islam came the new world outlook, power structure and the cleansing force in weeding out pagan rituals and ceremonies. It gave way to the uncompromising belief in one single Supreme Being called Allah, on the equality and brotherhood of the faithfuls, on the establishment of goodwill and prosperity to all. and revolutionized the lifestyles of the faithfuls in all spheres of existence. As proof of its persuasiveness, Islam gained new adherents who proved to be among its ablest and bravest defenders as shown in the succeeding three centuries of continuous warfare with the colonizers.